RECOLLECTIONS  OF  THE   CIVIL  WAR 


THE  WORKS  OF  CHARLES  A.  DANA. 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

By  CHARLES  A.  DANA.  With  Portrait.  Large  izmo. 
Cloth,  giit  top,  uncut,  $2.00. 

The  late  Charles  A.  Dana's  "  Recollections  of  the  Civil  War"  forms 
one  of  the  most  remarkable  volumes  of  historical,  political,  and  personal 
reminiscences  which  have  been  given  to  the  public.  Mr.  Dana  was  not 
only  practically  a  member  of  the  Cabinet  and  in  the  confidence  of  the 
leaders  of  Washington,  but  he  was  also  the  chosen  representative  of  the 
War  Department  with  General  Grant  and  other  military  commanders, 
and  he  was  present  at  many  of  the  councils  which  preceded  movements 
of  the  greatest  importance. 

Apple  tons'  American  Cyclopaedia. 

A  Popular  Dictionary  of  General  Knowledge.  Edited  by 
CHARLES  A.  DANA  and  GEORGE  RIPLEY.  Complete  in 
16  volumes  of  over  800  pages  each.  Fully  illustrated  with 
several  thousand  Wood  Engravings  and  numerous  Colored 
Lithographic  Maps.  Sold  only  by  subscription. 

The  Household  Book  of  Poetry. 

Edited  by  CHARLES  A.  DANA.  Illustrated  with  Steel  En 
gravings.  New  and  enlarged  edition.  Royal  8vo.  Cloth, 
$5.00 ;  morocco,  antique,  $ic.oo  ;  tree  calf,  $12.00. 

Fifty  Perfect  Poems. 

Selected  and  edited  by  CHARLES  A.  DANA  and  ROSSITER 
JOHNSON.  Royal  8vo.  Illustrated.  White  silk,  $10.00 ; 
morocco,  $15.00. 

The  Household  Book  of  Songs. 

Collected  and  arranged  by  CHARLES  A.  DANA  and  F.  A. 
BOWMAN.  Half  roan,  cloth  sides,  $2.50. 

The  Art  of  Newspaper  Making. 

Three  Lectures.     i6mo.    Cloth,  $1.00. 

Eastern  Journeys. 

Some  Notes  of  Travel  in  Russia,  in  the  Caucasus,  and  to 
Jerusalem.  i6mo.  Cloth,  $1.00. 


D.  APPLETON  AND  COMPANY,  NEW  YORK. 


AppTeion  &  Company. 


RECOLLECTIONS 
OF  THE  CIVIL  WAR 

W'ith  the  Leaders  at  Washington 
and  in   the  Field  in   the   Sixties 


BY 

CHARLES   A.   pANA 

ASSISTANT  SECRETARY  OF  ffVR  FROM  1863  TO  1865 


WITH   PORTRAIT 


UN/VERSI7 


NEW  YORK 

D.  Appleton  and  Company 
1902 


£47° 

V 


COPYRIGHT,  1898, 
BY  D.  APPLETON  AND  COMPANY. 


PREFACE. 


MR.  DANA  wrote  these  Recollections  of  the  civil 
war  according  to  a  purpose  which  he  had  entertained 
for  several  years.  They  were  completed  only  a  few 
months  before  his  death  on  October  17,  1897.  A 
large  part  of  the  narrative  has  been  published  serially 
in  McClure's  Magazine.  In  the  chapter  about  Abra 
ham  Lincoln  and  the  Lincoln  Cabinet  Mr.  Dana  has 
drawn  from  a  lecture  which  he  delivered  in  1896  be 
fore  the  New  Haven  Colony  Historical  Society.  The 
incident  of  the  self-wounded  spy,  in  the  chapter  relat 
ing  to  the  secret  service  of  the  war,  was  first  printed 
in  the  North  American  Review  for  August,  1891.  A 
few  of  the  anecdotes  about  Mr.  Lincoln  which  appear 
in  this  book  were  told  by  Mr.  Dana  originally  in  a 
brief  contribution  to  a  volume  entitled  Reminiscences 
of  Abraham  Lincoln  by  Distinguished  Men  of  his 
Time,  edited  by  the  late  Allen  Thorndike  Rice,  and 
published  in  1886. 

Although  Mr.  Dana  was  in  one  sense  the  least 
reminiscent  of  men,  living  actively  in  the  present,  and 

v 

> 


1-02776 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

always  more  interested  in  to-morrow  than  in  yester 
day,  and  although  it  was  his  characteristic  habit  to 
toss  into  the  wastebasket  documents  for  history  which 
many  persons  would  have  treasured,  he  found  in  the 
preparation  of  the  following  chapters  abundant  mate 
rial  wherewith  to  stimulate  and  confirm  his  own  mem 
ory,  in  the  form  of  his  official  and  unofficial  reports 
written  at  the  front  for  the  information  of  Mr.  Stan- 
ton  and  Mr.  Lincoln,  and  private  letters  to  members 
of  his  family  and  intimate  friends. 

Charles  Anderson  Dana  was  forty-four  years  old 
when  his  appointment  as  Assistant  Secretary  of  War 
put  him  behind  the  scenes  of  the  great  drama  then  en 
acting,  and  brought  him  into  personal  relations  with 
the  conspicuous  civilians  and  soldiers  of  the  war  period. 
Born  in  New  Hampshire  on  August  8,  1819,  he  had 
passed  by  way  of  western  New  York,  Harvard  College, 
and  Brook  Farm  into  the  profession  which  he  loved 
and  in  which  he  labored  almost  to  the  last  day  of  his 
life.  When  Secretary  Stanton  called  him  to  Washing 
ton  he  had  been  engaged  for  nearly  fifteen  years  in  the 
management  of  the  New  York  Tribune,  the  journal 
most  powerful  at  that  time  in  solidifying  Northern 
sentiment  for  the  crisis  that  was  to  come.  When  the 
war  was  over  and  the  Union  preserved,  he  returned 
at  once  to  journalism.  His  career  subsequently  as  the 
editor  of  The  Sun  for  thirty  years  is  familiar  to  most 
Americans. 

vi 


Preface. 

It  is  proper  to  note  the  circumstance  that  the 
three  years  covered  by  Mr.  Dana's  Recollections  as 
here  recorded  constitute  the  only  term  during  which 
he  held  any  public  office,  and  the  only  break  in  more 
than  half  a  century  of  continuous  experience  in  the 
making  of  newspapers.  His  connection  with  the  Gov 
ernment  during  those  momentous  years  is  an  episode 
in  the  story  of  a  life  that  throbbed  from  boyhood  to 
age  with  intellectual  energy,  and  was  crowded  with 
practical  achievement. 

NEW  YORK,  October  77,  i8g8. 


Vll 


CONTENTS. 


CHAP.  PAGE 

I. — FROM  THE  TRIBUNE  TO  THE  WAR  DEPARTMENT       .        i 

First  meeting  with  Mr.  Lincoln — Early  correspondence 
with  Mr.  Stanton — A  command  obtained  for  General  Fre 
mont — The  new  energy  in  the  military  operations — Mr. 
Stanton  disclaims  the  credit — The  War  Secretary's  opin 
ion  of  McClellan — Mr.  Dana  called  into  Government  serv 
ice — The  Cairo  investigation  and  its  results — First  acquaint 
ance  with  General  Grant. 

II.— AT  THE   FRONT  WITH   GRANT'S   ARMY  16 

War  speculation  in  cotton — In  business  partnership 
with  Roscoe  Conkling — Appointed  special  commissioner 
to  Grant's  army — The  story  of  a  cipher  code — From  Mem 
phis  to  Milliken's  Bend — The  various  plans  for  taking 
Vicksburg — At  Grant's  headquarters — The  beginning  of 
trouble  with  McClernand. 

III.— BEFORE  AND  AROUND  VICKSBURG        ....      35 

The  hard  job  of  reopening  the  Mississippi — Admiral 
Porter  runs  the  Confederate  batteries — Headquarters  moved 
to  Smith's  plantation — Delay  and  confusion  in  McCler- 
nand's  command — The  unsuccessful  attack  on  Grand  Gulf 
— The  move  to  the  east  shore — Mr.  Dana  manages  with 
Grant's  help  to  secure  a  good  horse. 

IV. — IN   CAMP    AND    BATTLE  WITH    GRANT   AND    HIS    GEN 
ERALS    47 

Marching  into  the  enemy's  country — A  night  in  a 
church  with  a  Bible  for  pillow — Our  communications  are 
cut — Entering  the  capital  of  Mississippi — The  War  De 
partment  gives  Grant  full  authority — Battle  of  Champion's 
Hill — General  Logan's  peculiarity — Battlefield  incidents — 
Vicksburg  invested  and  the  siege  begun — Personal  traits 
of  Sherman,  McPherson,  and  McClernand. 

ix 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  IV ar. 

CHAP.  PAGE 

V. — SOME  CONTEMPORARY   PORTRAITS  6l 

Grant  before  his  great  fame — His  friend  and  mentor, 
General  Rawlins — James  Harrison  Wilson — Two  semi-offi 
cial  letters  to  Stanton — Character  sketches  for  the  infor 
mation  of  the  President  and  Secretary — Mr.  Dana's  early 
judgment  of  soldiers  who  afterward  won  distinction. 

VI.— THE  SIEGE  OF  VlCKSBURG 78 

Life  behind  Vicksburg — Grant's  efforts  to  procure  rein 
forcements — The  fruitless  appeal  to  General  Banks — Mr. 
Stanton  responds  to  Mr.  Dana's  representations — A  steam 
boat  trip  with  Grant — Watching  Joe  Johnston — Visits  to 
Sherman  and  Admiral  Porter — The  negro  troops  win  glory 
— Progress  and  incidents  of  the  siege — Vicksburg  wakes 
up — McClernand's  removal. 

VII.— PEMBERTON'S  SURRENDER 91 

The  artillery  assault  of  June  2oth — McPherson  springs 
a  mine — Grant  decides  to  storm  the  city — Pemberton  asks 
for  an  interview  and  terms — The  "unconditional  surren 
der"  note — At  the  meeting  of  Grant  and  Pemberton  be 
tween  the  lines — The  ride  into  Vicksburg  and  the  Fourth 
of  July  celebration  there. 

VIII.— WITH  THE  ARMY  OF  THE  CUMBERLAND  .       .       .103 

Appointment  as  Assistant  Secretary  of  War — Again  to 
the  far  front — An  interesting  meeting  with  Andrew  John 
son — Rosecrans's  complaints — His  view  of  the  situation  at 
Chattanooga — At  General  Thomas's  headquarters — The 
first  day  of  Chickamauga — The  battlefield  telegraph  serv 
ice — A  night  council  of  war  at  Widow  Glenn's — Personal 
experiences  of  the  disastrous  second  day's  battle — The 
"  Rock  of  Chickamauga." 

IX. — THE  REMOVAL  OF  ROSECRANS I2O 

Preparing  to  defend  Chattanooga — Effect  on  the  army 
of  the  day  of  disaster  and  glory — Mr.  Dana  suggests  Grant 
or  Thomas  as  Rosecrans's  successor — Portrait  of  Thomas 
— The  dignity  and  loyalty  of  his  character  illustrated — 
The  army  reorganized — It  is  threatened  with  starvation — 
An  estimate  of  Rosecrans — He  is  relieved  of  the  command 
of  the  Army  of  the  Cumberland. 
X 


Contents. 

CHAP.  PAGB 

X.— CHATTANOOGA  AND  MISSIONARY  RIDGE   .       .       .132 

Thomas  succeeds  Rosecrans  in  the  Army  of  the  Cum 
berland — Grant  supreme  at  Chattanooga — A  visit  to  the 
army  at  Knoxville — A  Tennessee  Unionist's  family — Im 
pressions  of  Burnside — Grant  against  Bragg  at  Chatta 
nooga — The  most  spectacular  fighting  of  the  war — Watch 
ing  the  first  day's  battle — With  Sherman  the  second  day — 
The  moonlight  fight  on  Lookout  Mountain — Sheridan's 
whisky  flask — The  third  day's  victory  and  the  glorious 
spectacle  it  afforded — The  relief  of  General  Burnside. 

XI.— THE  WAR  DEPARTMENT  IN  WAR  TIMES    .        .        .156 

Grant's  plans  blocked  by  Halleck — Mr.  Dana  on  duty  at 
Washington — Edwin  McMasters  Stanton — His  deep  reli 
gious  feeling — His  swift  intelligence  and  almost  super 
human  energy — The  Assistant  Secretary's  functions — Con 
tract  supplies  and  contract  frauds — Lincoln's  intercession 
for  dishonest  contractors  with  political  influence — A  char 
acteristic  letter  from  Sherman. 

XII.— ABRAHAM  LINCOLN  AND  HIS  CABINET      .       .       .168 

Daily  intercourse  with  Lincoln — The  great  civil  leaders 
of  the  period — Seward  and  Chase — Gideon  Welles — Fric 
tion  between  Stanton  and  Blair — Personal  traits  of  the 
President — Lincoln's  surpassing  ability  as  a  politician — 
His  true  greatness  of  character  and  intellect — His  genius 
for  military  judgment — Stanton's  comment  on  the  Gettys 
burg  speech — The  kindness  of  Abraham  Lincoln's  heart. 

XIII. — THE  ARMY  OF  THE  POTOMAC  IN  '64.        .        .        .186 

Mr.  Lincoln  sends  Mr.  Dana  again  to  the  front — General 
Halleck's  character — First  visit  to  the  Army  of  the  Poto 
mac — General  Meade's  good  qualities  and  bad — Winfield 
Scott  Hancock — Early  acquaintance  with  Sedgwick — His 
death — Humphreys's  accomplishments  as  a  soldier  and  as 
a  swearer — Grant's  plan  of  campaign  against  Lee — Inci 
dents  at  Spottsylvania — The  "  Bloody  Angle." 

XIV.— THE  GREAT   GAME   BETWEEN   GRANT   AND   LEE.  .      2OO 

Maneuvering  and  fighting  in  the  rain,  mud,  and  thick 
ets — Virginian  conditions  of  warfare — Within  eight  miles 
of  Richmond — The  battle  of  Cold  Harbor — The  tremendous 
losses  of  the  campaign — The  charge  of  butchery  against 

xi 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

CHAP.  PAGE 

Grant  considered  in  the  light  of  statistics — What  it  cost  in 
life  and  blood  to  take  Richmond. 

XV. — THE  MARCH  ON  PETERSBURG 212 

In  camp  at  Cold  Harbor — Grant's  opinion  of  Lee — 
Trouble  with  newspaper  correspondents — Moving  south  of 
the  James  River — The  great  pontoon  bridge — The  fighting 
of  the  colored  troops — Failure  to  take  Petersburg  at  first 
attack — Lee  loses  Grant  and  Beauregard  finds  him — Beau- 
regard's  service  to  the  Confederacy. 

XVI. — EARLY'S  RAID  AND  THE  WASHINGTON  PANIC      .    224 

President  Lincoln  visits  the  lines  at  Petersburg — 
Trouble  with  General  Meade — Jubal  Early  menaces  the 
Federal  capital — The  excitement  in  Washington  and  Balti 
more — Clerks  and  veteran  reserves  called  out  to  defend 
Washington — Grant  sends  troops  from  the  front — Plenty 
of  generals,  but  no  head — Early  ends  the  panic  by  with 
drawing — A  fine  letter  from  Grant  about  Hunter. 

XVII.— THE  SECRET   SERVICE   OF  THE  WAR.  .          .  .235 

Mr.  Stanton's  agents  and  spies — Regular  subterranean 
traffic  between  Washington  and  Richmond — A  man  who 
spied  for  both  sides — The  arrest  of  the  Baltimore  merchants 
— Stanton's  remarkable  speech  on  the  meaning  of  disloy 
alty — Intercepting  Jefferson  Davis's  letters  to  Canada — 
Detecting  the  plot  to  burn  New  York,  and  the  plan  to 
invade  Vermont — Story  of  the  cleverest  and  pluckiest  of 
spies  and  his  remarkable  adventures. 

XVIII.— A  VISIT  TO  SHERIDAN  IN  THE  VALLEY  .       .       .248 

Mr.  Dana  carries  to  Sheridan  his  major-general's  com 
mission — A  ride  through  the  Army  of  the  Shenandoah — 
The  affection  of  Sheridan's  soldiers  for  the  general — How 
he  explained  it — His  ideas  about  personal  courage  in  battle 
— The  War  Department  and  the  railroads — How  the  depart 
ment  worked  for  Lincoln's  re-election — Election  night  of 
November,  1864 — Lincoln  reads  aloud  passages  from  Petro 
leum  V.  Nasby  while  the  returns  come  in. 

XIX.— "ON  TO  RICHMOND"  AT  LAST!      .       .       .       .263 

The  fall  of  the  Confederacy — In  Richmond  just  after 
the  evacuation — A  search  for  Confederate  archives — Lin- 

xii 


Contents. 


coin's  propositions  to  the  Virginians — A  meeting  with  the 
Confederate  Assistant  Secretary  of  War — Andrew  Johnson 
turns  up  at  Richmond — His  views  as  to  the  necessity  of 
punishing  rebels — The  first  Sunday  services  at  the  Confed 
erate  capital  under  the  old  flag — News  of  Lee's  surrender 
reaches  Richmond — Back  to  Washington  with  Grant. 

XX.— THE  CLOSING  SCENES  AT  WASHINGTON      .       .       .273 

Last  interview  with  Mr.  Lincoln — Why  Jacob  Thomp 
son  escaped — At  the  deathbed  of  the  murdered  President 
— Searching  for  the  assassins — The  letters  which  Mr.  Lin 
coln  had  docketed  "Assassination" — At  the  conspiracy 
trial — The  Confederate  secret  cipher — Jefferson  Davis's 
capture  and  imprisonment — A  visit  to  the  Confederate 
President  at  Fortress  Monroe — The  grand  review  of  the 
Union  armies — The  meeting  between  Stanton  and  Sher 
man — End  of  Mr.  Dana's  connection  with  the  War  Depart 
ment. 

INDEX 293 


Xlll 


UNiVER 

OF 


RECOLLECTIONS     OF    THE 
CIVIL   WAR. 


CHAPTER   I. 

FROM   THE   TRIBUNE   TO   THE   WAR   DEPARTMENT. 

First  meeting  with  Mr.  Lincoln — Early  correspondence  with  Mr.  Stan- 
ton — A  command  obtained  for  General  Fremont — The  new  energy 
in  the  military  operations — Mr.  Stanton  disclaims  the  credit — 
The  War  Secretary's  opinion  of  McClellan — Mr.  Dana  called  into 
Government  service — The  Cairo  investigation  and  its  results — First 
acquaintance  with  General  Grant. 

I  HAD  been  associated  with  Horace  Greeley  on  the 
New  York  Tribune  for  about  fifteen  years  when,  one 
morning  early  in  April,  1862,  Mr.  Sinclair,  the  adver 
tising  manager  of  the  paper,  came  to  me,  saying  that 
Mr.  Greeley  would  be  glad  to  have  me  resign.  I  asked 
one  of  my  associates  to  find  from  Mr.  Greeley  if  that 
was  really  his  wish.  In  a  few  hours  he  came  to  me  say 
ing  that  I  had  better  go.  I  stayed  the  day  out  in  order 
to  make  up  the  paper  and  give  them  an  opportunity 
to  find  a  successor,  but  I  never  went  into  the  office 
after  that.  I  think  I  then  owned  a  fifth  of  the  paper — 
twenty  shares;  this  stock  my  colleagues  bought. 

Mr.  Greeley  never  gave  a  reason  for  dismissing  me, 
nor  did  I  ever  ask  for  one.  I  know,  though,  that  the 

2  I 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

real  explanation  was  that  while  he  was  for  peace  I  was 
for  war,  and  that  as  long  as  I  stayed  on  the  Tribune 
there  was  a  spirit  there  which  was  not  his  spirit — that 
he  did  not  like. 

My  retirement  from  the  Tribune  was  talked  of  in  the 
newspapers  for  a  day  or  two,  and  brought  me  a  letter 
from  the  Secretary  of  War,  Edwin  M.  Stanton,  saying 
he  would  like  to  employ  me  in  the  War  Department. 
I  had  already  met  Mr.  Lincoln,  and  had  carried  on  a 
brief  correspondence  with  Mr.  Stanton.  My  meeting 
with  Mr.  Lincoln  was  shortly  after  his  inauguration. 
He  had  appointed  Mr.  Seward  to  be  his  Secretary  of 
State,  and  some  of  the  Republican  leaders  of  New  York 
who  had  been  instrumental  in  preventing  Mr.  Seward's 
nomination  to  the  presidency,  and  in  securing  that  of 
Mr.  Lincoln,  had  begun  to  fear  that  they  would  be 
left  out  in  the  cold  in  the  distribution  of  the  offices. 
General  James  S.  Wadsworth,  George  Opdyke,  Lucius 
Robinson,  T.  B.  Carroll,  and  Henry  B.  Stanton  were 
among  the  number  of  these  gentlemen.  Their  appre 
hensions  were  somewhat  mitigated  by  the  fact  that  Mr. 
Chase,  to  whom  we  were  all  friendly,  was  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury.  But,  notwithstanding,  they  were  afraid 
that  the  superior  tact  and  pertinacity  of  Mr.  Seward 
and  of  Mr.  Thurlow  Weed,  Seward's  close  friend  and 
political  manager,  would  get  the  upper  hand,  and  that 
the  power  of  the  Federal  administration  would  be  put 
into  the  control  of  the  rival  faction;  accordingly,  sev 
eral  of  them  determined  to  go  to  Washington,  and  I  was 
asked  to  go  with  them. 

I  believe  the  appointment  for  our  interview  with 

2 


From  the  Tribune  to  the  War  Department. 

the  President  was  made  through  Mr.  Chase;  but  at  any 
rate  we  all  went  up  to  the  White  House  together,  ex 
cept  Mr.  Henry  B.  Stanton,  who  stayed  away  because 
he  was  himself  an  applicant  for  office. 

Mr.  Lincoln  received  us  in  the  large  room  upstairs 
in  the  east  wing  of  the  White  House,  where  he  had  his 
working  office.  The  President  stood  up  while  General 
Wadsworth,  who  was  our  principal  spokesman,  and 
Mr.  Opdyke  stated  what  was  desired.  After  the  inter 
view  had  begun,  a  big  Indianian,  who  was  a  messenger 
in  attendance  in  the  White  House,  came  into  the  room 
and  said  to  the  President: 

"  She  wants  you." 

"  Yes,  yes,"  said  Mr.  Lincoln,  without  stirring. 

Soon  afterward  the  messenger  returned  again,  ex 
claiming,  "  I  say,  she  wants  you !  " 

The  President  was  evidently  annoyed,  but  instead  of 
going  out  after  the  messenger  he  remarked  to  us: 

"  One  side  shall  not  gobble  up  everything.  Make 
out  a  list  of  places  and  men  you  want,  and  I  will  en 
deavor  to  apply  the  rule  of  give  and  take." 

General  Wadsworth  answered: 

"  Our  party  will  not  be  able  to  remain  in  Washing 
ton,  but  we  will  leave  such  a  list  with  Mr.  Carroll,  and 
whatever  he  agrees  to  will  be  agreeable  to  us." 

Mr.  Lincoln  continued:  "  Let  Mr.  Carroll  come  in 
to-morrow,  and  we  will  see  what  can  be  done." 

This  is  the  substance  of  the  interview,  and  what 
most  impressed  me  was  the  evident  fairness  of  the  Presi 
dent.  We  all  felt  that  he  meant  to  do  what  was  right 
and  square  in  the  matter.  While  he  was  not  the  man 

3 


UK'iVE- 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

to  promote  factious  quarrels  and  difficulties  within  his 
party,  he  did  not  intend  to  leave  in  the  lurch  the  friends 
through  whose  exertions  his  nomination  and  election 
had  finally  been  brought  about.  At  the  same  time  he 
understood  perfectly  that  we  of  New  York  and  our 
associates  in  the  Republican  body  had  not  gone  to 
Chicago  for  the  purpose  of  nominating  him,  or  of 
nominating  any  one  in  particular,  but  only  to  beat  Mr. 
Seward,  and  thereupon  to  do  the  best  that  could  be 
done  as  regards  the  selection  of  the  candidate. 

My  acquaintance  with  Mr.  Stanton  had  come  about 
through  an  editorial  which  I  had  written  for  the  Trib 
une  on  his  entrance  to  the  War  Department.  I  had 
sent  it  to  him  with  a  letter  calling  his  attention  to  cer 
tain  facts  with  which  it  seemed  to  me  the  War  Depart 
ment  ought  to  deal.  In  reply  I  received  the  following 
letter: 

WASHINGTON,  January  24,  1862. 

MY  DEAR  SIR:  Yours  of  the  22d  only  reached  me 
this  evening.  The  facts  you  mention  were  new  to  me, 
but  there  is  too  much  reason  to  fear  they  are  true.  But 
that  matter  will,  I  think,  be  corrected  very  speedily. 

You  can  not  tell  how  much  obligation  I  feel  myself 
under  for  your  kindness.  Every  man  who  wishes  the 
country  to  pass  through  this  trying  hour  should  stand 
on  watch,  and  aid  me.  Bad  passions  and  little  passions 
and  mean  passions  gather  around  and  hem  in  the  great 
movements  that  should  deliver  this  nation. 

Two  days  ago  I  wrote  you  a  long  letter — a  three 
pager — expressing  my  thanks  for  your  admirable  article 
of  the  2 ist,  stating  my  position  and  purposes;  and  in 
that  letter  I  mentioned  some  of  the  circumstances  of 
my  unexpected  appointment.  But,  interrupted  before 
it  was  completed,  I  will  not  inflict,  or  afflict,  you  with  it. 

I  know  the  task  that  is  before  us — I  say  us,  because 

4 


From  the  'Tribune  to  the  War  Department. 

the  Tribune  has  its  mission  as  plainly  as  I  have  mine, 
and  they  tend  to  the  same  end.  But  I  am  not  in  the 
smallest  degree  dismayed  or  disheartened.  By  God's 
blessing  we  shall  prevail.  I  feel  a  deep,  earnest  feeling 
growing  up  around  me.  We  have  no  jokes  or  triviali 
ties,  but  all  with  whom  I  act  show  that  they  are  now  in 
dead  earnest. 

I  know  you  will  rejoice  to  know  this. 
As  soon  as  I  can  get  the  machinery  of  the  office 
working,  the  rats  cleared  out,  and  the  rat  holes  stopped 
we  shall  move.    This  army  has  got  to  fight  or  run  away; 
and  while   men   are   striving  nobly   in  the  West,   the 
champagne    and    oysters    on    the    Potomac    must    be 
stopped.    But  patience  for  a  short  while  only  is  all  I  ask, 
if  you  and  others  like  you  will  rally  around  me. 
Yours  truly, 

EDWIN  M.  STANTON. 
C.  A.  DANA,  Esq. 

A  few  days  after  this  I  wrote  Mr.  Stanton  a  second 
letter,  in  which  I  asked  him  to  give  General  Fremont  a 
chance.  At  the  breaking  out  of  the  war  Fremont  had 
been  made  a  major  general  in  the  regular  army  and 
the  command  of  the  Western  Department  had  been 
given  to  him.  His  campaign  in  Missouri  in  the  summer 
of  1 86 1  gave  great  dissatisfaction,  and  in  November, 
1 86 1,  he  was  relieved,  after  an  investigation  by  the  Sec 
retary  of  War.  Since  that  time  he  had  been  without  a 
command.  I  believed,  as  did  many  others,  that  political 
intrigue  was  keeping  Fremont  back.  I  was  anxious 
that  he  should  have  fair  play,  in  order  that  the  great 
mass  of  people  who  had  supported  him  for  the  presi 
dency  in  1856,  and  who  still  were  his  warm  friends, 
might  not  be  dissatisfied.  To  my  letter  Mr.  Stanton 
replied: 

5 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  ffiar. 

WASHINGTON,  February  /,  1862. 

DEAR  SIR:  If  General  Fremont  has  any  fight  in  him, 
he  shall  (so  far  as  I  am  concerned)  have  a  chance  to 
show  it,  and  I  have  told  him  so.  The  times  require  the 
help  of  every  man  according  to  his  gifts,  and,  having 
neither  partialities  nor  grudges  to  indulge,  it  will  be 
my  aim  to  practice  on  the  maxim,  "  the  tools  to  him 
that  can  handle  them/'  * 

There  will  be  serious  trouble  between  Hunter  and 
Lane.  What  Lane's  expedition  has  in  view,  how  it 
came  to  be  set  on  foot,  and  what  is  expected  to  be  ac 
complished  by  it,  I  do  not  know  and  have  tried  in 
vain  to  find  out.  It  seems  to  be  a  haphazard  affair  that 
no  one  will  admit  himself  to  be  responsible  for.  But 
believing  that  Lane  has  pluck,  and  is  an  earnest  man,  he 
shall  have  fair  play.  If  you  know  anything  about  him 
or  his  expedition  pray  tell  it  to  me. 

To  bring  the  War  Department  up  to  the  standard 
of  the  times,  and  work  an  army  of  five  hundred  thou 
sand  with  machinery  adapted  to  a  peace  establishment 
of  twelve  thousand,  is  no  easy  task.  This  was  Mr. 
Cameron's  great  trouble,  and  the  cause  of  much  of 
the  complaints  against  him.  All  I  ask  is  reasonable 
time  and  patience.  The  pressure  of  members  of  Con 
gress  for  clerk  and  army  appointments,  notwithstand 
ing  the  most  stringent  rules,  and  the  persistent  strain 
against  all  measures  essential  to  obtain  time  for  thought, 
combination,  and  conference,  is  discouraging  in  the  ex 
treme — it  often  tempts  me  to  quit  the  helm  in  despair. 
The  only  consolation  is  the  confidence  and  support  of 
good  and  patriotic  men;  to  their  aid  I  look  for  strength. 
Yours  truly,  EDWIN  M.  STANTON. 

C.  A.  DANA,  Esq.,  Tribune  Office. 

Very  soon  after  Mr.  Stanton  went  into  office  mili 
tary  affairs  were  energized,  and  a  forward  movement 

*  A  month  later  General  Fremont  was  assigned  to  the  command  of 
the  "  Mountain  Department,"  composed  of  parts  of  Virginia,  Ken 
tucky,  and  Tennessee. 

6 


From  the  tribune  to  the  War  Department. 

of  the  armies  was  apparent.  It  was  followed  by  several 
victories,  notably  those  of  Fort  Henry  and  Fort  Done!- 
son.  On  several  occasions  the  Tribune  credited  to  the 
head  of  the  War  Department  this  new  spirit  which 
seemed  to  inspire  officers  and  men.  Mr.  Stanton,  fear 
ful  of  the  effect  of  this  praise,  sent  to  the  paper  the  fol 
lowing  dispatch: 

To  the  Editor  of  the  New  York  Tribune  : 

SIR:  I  can  not  suffer  undue  merit  to  be  ascribed  to 
my  official  action.  The  glory  of  our  recent  victories  be 
longs  to  the  gallant  officers  and  soldiers  that  fought  the 
battles.  No  share  of  it  belongs  to  me. 

Much  has  recently  been  said  of  military  combina 
tions  and  organizing  victory.  I  hear  such  phrases  with 
apprehension.  They  commenced  in  infidel  France  with 
the  Italian  campaign,  and  resulted  in  Waterloo.  Who 
can  organize  victory?  Who  can  combine  the  elements 
of  success  on  the  battlefield?  We  owe  our  recent  vic 
tories  to  the  spirit  of  the  Lord  that  moved  our  soldiers 
to  rush  into  battle  and  filled  the  heart  of  our  enemies 
with  dismay.  The  inspiration  that  conquered  in  battle 
was  in  the  hearts  of  the  soldiers  and  from  on  high ;  and 
wherever  there  is  the  same  inspiration  there  will  be 
the  same  results.  Patriotic  spirit,  with  resolute  courage 
in  officers  and  men,  is  a  military  combination  that  never 
failed. 

We  may  well  rejoice  at  the  recent  victories,  for  they 
teach  us  that  battles  are  to  be  won  now  and  by  us  in 
the  same  and  only  manner  that  they  were  ever  won  by 
any  people,  or  in  any  age,  since  the  days  of  Joshua,  by 
boldly  pursuing  and  striking  the  foe.  What,  under  the 
blessing  of  Providence,  I  conceive  to  be  the  true  organi 
zation  of  victory  and  military  combination  to  end  this 
war,  was  declared  in  a  few  words  by  General  Grant's 
message  to  General  Buckner:  "  I  propose  to  move  imme 
diately  on  your  works" 

Yours  truly,  EDWIN  M.  STANTON. 

7 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

On  receiving  this  I  at  once  wired  to  our  representa 
tive  in  Washington  to  know  if  Mr.  Stanton  meant  to 
"  repudiate  "  the  Tribune.  I  received  my  answer  from 

Mr.  Stanton  himself: 

WASHINGTON,  February  19,  1862. 

DEAR  SIR:  It  occurred  to  me  that  your  kind  notice 
of  myself  might  be  perverted  into  a  disparagement  of 
the  Western  officers  and  soldiers  to  whom  the  merit  of 
the  recent  victories  justly  belongs,  and  that  it  might 
create  an  antagonism  between  them  and  the  head  of  the 
War  Department.  To  avoid  that  misconstruction  was 
the  object  of  my  dispatch — leaving  the  matter  to  be 
determined  as  to  publication  to  the  better  judgment  of 
the  Tribune,  my  own  mind  not  being  clear  on  the  point 
of  its  expediency.  Mr.  Hill  called  to  see  me  this  even 
ing,  and  from  the  tenor  of  your  dispatch  it  seemed  to 
me  that  your  judgment  did  not  approve  the  publication, 
or  you  would  not  speak  of  me  as  "  repudiating  "  any 
thing  the  Tribune  says.  On  reflection  /  am  convinced 
the  communication  should  not  be  published,  as  it  might 
imply  an  antagonism  between  myself  and  the  Tribune. 
On  this,  as  on  any  future  occasion,  I  defer  to  your 
judgment.  We  have  one  heart  and  mind  in  this  great 
cause,  and  upon  many  essential  points  you  have  a  wider 
range  of  observation  and  clearer  sight  than  myself;  I 
am  therefore  willing  to  be  guided  by  your  wisdom. 

Yours  truly,  EDWIN  M.  STANTON. 

C.  A.  DANA,  Esq. 

On  receiving  this  letter  we  of  course  published  his 
telegram  at  once. 

When  Mr.  Stanton  went  into  the  War  Department 
there  was  great  dissatisfaction  in  the  Tribune  office  with 
McClellan.  He  had  been  placed  in  command  of  the 
Army  of  the  Potomac  in  the  preceding  August,  and 
since  November  ist  had  been  in  command  of  all  the 
armies  of  the  United  States;  but  while  he  had  proved 

8 


From  the  tribune  to  the  War  Department. 

himself  an  excellent  drillmaster,  he  had  at  the  same  time 
proved  that  he  was  no  general  at  all.  His  friends  were 
loyal,  however,  and  whatever  success  our  armies  met 
with  was  attributed  to  his  generalship. 

When  the  capture  of  Fort  Donelson  was  announced, 
McClellan's  friends  claimed  that  he  had  directed  it  by 
telegraph  from  his  headquarters  on  the  Potomac.  Now 
the  terminus  of  the  telegraph  toward  Fort  Donelson 
was  many  miles  from  the  battlefield.  Besides,  the  ab 
surdity  of  a  general  directing  the  movements  of  a  battle 
a  thousand  miles  off,  even  if  he  had  fifty  telegraph  wires 
leading  to  every  part  of  the  field,  was  apparent.  Never 
theless,  McClellan's  supporters  kept  up  their  claim.  On 
February  2Oth  the  Associated  Press  agent  at  Washing 
ton,  in  reporting  a  railroad  convention  in  Washington 
at  which  Mr.  Stanton  had  spoken,  said: 

"  Secretary  Stanton  in  the  course  of  his  address  paid 
a  high  compliment  to  the  young  and  gallant  friend  at 
his  side,  Major-General  McClellan,  in  whom  he  had  the 
utmost  confidence,  and  the  results  of  whose  military 
schemes,  gigantic  and  well  matured,  were  now  ex 
hibited  to  a  rejoicing  country.  The  Secretary,  with  up 
raised  hands,  implored  Almighty  God  to  aid  them  and 
himself,  and  all  occupying  positions  under  the  Govern 
ment,  in  crushing  out  this  unholy  rebellion." 

I  did  not  believe  Stanton  had  done  any  such  thing,  so 
I  sent  the  paragraph  to  him.  The  Secretary  replied: 

[Private.]  WASHINGTON,  February  23,  1862. 

DEAR  SIR:  The  paragraph  to  which  you  called  my 
attention  was  a  ridiculous  and  impudently  impertinent 
effort  to  puff  the  general  by  a  false  publication  of  words 

9 


Recollections  of  the  Civil 

I  never  uttered.  Sam  Barlow,  one  of  the  secretaries  of 
the  meeting,  was  its  author,  as  I  have  been  informed. 
It  is  too  small  a  matter  for  me  to  contradict,  but  I  told 
Mr.  Kimlen,  the  other  secretary,  that  I  thought  the 
gentlemen  who  invited  me  to  be  present  at  their  meet 
ing  owed  it  to  themselves  to  see  that  one  of  their  own 
officers  should  not  misrepresent  what  I  said.  It  was  for 
them,  and  due  to  their  own  honor,  to  see  that  an  officer 
of  the  Government  might  communicate  with  them  in 
safety;  and  if  it  was  not  done,  I  should  take  care  to 
afford  no  other  opportunity  for  such  practices. 

The  fact  is  that  the  agents  of  the  Associated  Press 
and  a  gang  around  the  Federal  Capitol  appear  to  be 
organized  for  the  purpose  of  magnifying  their  idol. 

And  if  such  men  as  those  who  composed  the  rail 
road  convention  in  this  city  do  not  rebuke  such  a  prac 
tice  as  that  perpetrated  in  this  instance,  they  can  not  be 
conferred  with  in  future. 

You  will  of  course  see  the  propriety  of  my  not  noti 
cing  the  matter  and  thereby  giving  it  importance  beyond 
the  contempt  it  inspires.  I  think  you  are  well  enough 
acquainted  with  me  to  judge  in  future  the  value  of  any 
such  statement. 

I  notice  the  Herald  telegraphic  reporter  announces 
that  I  had  a  second  attack  of  illness  on  Friday  and 
could  not  attend  the  department.  I  was  in  the  de 
partment,  or  in  the  Cabinet,  from  nine  in  the  morning 
until  nine  at  night,  and  never  enjoyed  more  perfect 
health  than  on  that  day  and  at  present. 

For  your  kind  solicitude  accept  my  thanks.  I  shall 
not  needlessly  impair  my  means  of  usefulness. 

Yours  truly,  EDWIN  M.  STANTON. 

C.  A.  DANA,  Esq. 

P.  S. — Was  it  not  a  funny  sight  to  see  a  certain 
military  hero  in  the  telegraph  office  at  Washington  last 
Sunday  organizing  victory,  and  by  sublime  military 
combinations  capturing  Fort  Donelson  six  hours  after 
Grant  and  Smith  had  taken  it  sword  in  hand  and  had 

10 


From  the  tribune  to  the  War  Department. 

victorious  possession!    It  would  be  a  picture  worthy  of 
Punch. 

Thus,  when  the  newspapers  announced  my  unex 
pected  retirement  from  the  Tribune,  I  was  not  unknown 
to  either  the  President  or  the  Secretary  of  War. 

To  Mr.  Stanton's  letter  asking  me  to  go  into  the 
service  of  the  War  Department,  I  replied  that  I  would 
attempt  anything  he  wanted  me  to  do,  and  in  May  he 
wrote  me  that  I  was  to  be  appointed  on  a  commission 
to  audit  unsettled  claims  against  the  quartermaster's 
department  at  Cairo,  111.  I  was  directed  to  be  in  Cairo 
on  June  I7th.  My  formal  appointment,  which  I  did 
not  receive  until  after  I  reached  Cairo,  read  thus: 

WAR  DEPARTMENT, 
WASHINGTON  CITY,  D.  C.,  June  16,  1862. 

SIR:  By  direction  of  the  President,  a  commission 
has  been  appointed,  consisting  of  Messrs.  George  S. 
Boutwell,  Stephen  T.  Logan,  and  yourself,  to  examine 
and  report  upon  all  unsettled  claims  against  the  War 
Department,  at  Cairo,  111.,  that  may  have  originated 
prior  to  the  first  day  of  April,  1862. 

Messrs.  Boutwell  and  Logan  have  been  requested  to 
meet  with  you  at  Cairo  on  the  eighteenth  day  of  June 
instant,  in  order  that  the  commission  may  be  organ 
ized  on  that  day  and  enter  immediately  upon  the  dis 
charge  of  its  duties. 

You  will  be  allowed  a  compensation  of  eight  dollars 
per  day  and  mileage. 

Mr.  Thomas  Means,  who  has  been  appointed  so 
licitor  for  the  Government,  has  been  directed  to  meet 
you  at  Cairo  on  the  eighteenth  instant,  and  will  act, 
under  the  direction  of  the  commission,  in  the  investi 
gation  of  such  claims  as  may  be  presented. 

EDWIN  M.  STANTON, 

Secretary  of  War. 

Hon.  CHARLES  A.  DANA,  of  New  York, 
Cairo,  111. 

II 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

On  reaching  Cairo  on  the  appointed  day,  I  found 
my  associates,  Judge  Logan,  of  Springfield,  111.,  one 
of  Mr.  Lincoln's  friends,  and  Mr.  Boutwell,  of  Massa 
chusetts,  afterward  Governor  of  his  State,  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury,  and  a  United  States  senator.  We  organ 
ized  on  the  1 8th,  as  directed.  Two  days  after  we  met 
Judge  Logan  was  compelled  by  illness  to  resign  from 
the  commission,  and  Shelby  M.  Cullom,  now  United 
States  senator  from  Illinois,  was  appointed  in  his  place. 

The  main  Union  armies  had  by  this  time  advanced 
far  to  the  front,  but  Cairo  was  still  an  important  mili 
tary  depot,  almost  an  outpost,  in  command  of  General 
William  K.  Strong,  whom  I  had  known  well  in  New 
York  as  a  politician.  There  was  a  large  number  of 
troops  stationed  in  the  town,  and  from  there  the  armies 
on  the  Mississippi  River,  in  Missouri,  and  in  Kentucky, 
got  all  their  supplies  and  munitions  of  war.  The  quar 
termaster's  department  at  Cairo  had  been  organized 
hastily,  and  the  demands  upon  it  had  increased  rapidly. 
Much  of  the  business  had  been  done  by  green  volunteer 
officers  who  did  not  understand  the  technical  duties  of 
making  out  military  requisitions  and  returns.  The  re 
sult  was  that  the  accounts  were  in  great  confusion,  and 
hysterical  newspapers  were  charging  the  department 
with  fraud  and  corruption.  The  War  Department  de 
cided  to  make  a  full  investigation  of  all  disbursements 
at  Cairo  from  the  beginning.  Little  actual  cash  had 
thus  far  been  paid  out  upon  contracts,  and  it  was  not 
too  late  to  correct  overcharges  and  straighten  out  the 
system.  The  matter  could  not  be  settled  by  any  ordi 
nary  means,  and  the  commission  went  there  as  a  kind 

12 


From  the  tribune  to  the  War  Department. 

of  supreme  authority,  accepting  or  rejecting  claims  and 
paying  them  as  we  thought  fit  after  examining  the  evi 
dence. 

Sixteen  hundred  and  ninety-six  claims,  amounting 
to  $599,219.36,  were  examined  by  us.  Of  those  ap 
proved  and  certified  for  payment  the  amount  was  $451,- 
105.80.  Of  the  claims  rejected,  a  considerable  portion 
were  for  losses  suffered  in  the  active  operations  of  the 
army,  either  through  departure  from  discipline  on  the 
part  of  soldiers,  or  from  requisitions  made  by  officers 
who  failed  to  give  receipts  and  certificates  to  the  per 
sons  concerned,  who  were  thus  unable  to  support  their 
claims  by  sufficient  evidence.  Many  claims  of  this  de 
scription  were  also  presented  by  men  whose  loyalty 
to  the  Government  was  impeached  by  credible  wit 
nesses.  In  rejecting  these  the  commission  set  forth  the 
disloyalty  of  the  claimants,  in  the  certificates  written 
on  the  face  of  their  accounts.  Other  accounts,  whose 
rightfulness  was  established,  were  rejected  on  proof  of 
disloyalty.  The  commission  regarded  complicity  in  the 
rebellion  as  barring  all  claims  against  the  United  States. 

A  question  of  some  interest  was  raised  by  the  claim 
of  the  trustees  of  the  Cairo  city  property  to  be  paid  for 
the  use  by  the  Government  wharf  boats  of  the  paved 
portion  of  the  levee  which  protected  the  town  against 
the  Ohio  River.  We  were  unable  to  see  the  matter  in 
the  light  presented  by  the  trustees.  Our  judgment  was 
that  the  Government  ought  not  to  pay  for  the  use  of 
necessary  landing  places  on  these  rivers  or  elsewhere 
during  the  exigencies  of  the  war,  and  we  so  certified 
upon  the  face  of  the  claims.  A  similar  principle  guided 

13 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

our  decision  upon  several  claims  for  the  rent  of  vacant 
lots  in  Cairo,  which  had  been  used  by  the  military  au 
thorities  for  the  erection  of  temporary  barracks  or 
stables.  We  determined  that  for  these  no  rent  ought, 
under  the  circumstances,  to  be  allowed,  but  we  sug 
gested  that  in  justice  to  the  owners  this  temporary  oc 
cupation  should  be  terminated  as  soon  as  possible  by 
the  sale  and  removal  of  the  buildings. 

A  very  small  percentage  of  the  claims  were  rejected 
because  of  fraud.  In  almost  every  case  it  was  possible 
to  suppose  that  the  apparent  fraud  was  accident.  My  ob 
servation  throughout  the  war  was  the  same.  I  do  not 
believe  that  so  much  business  could  be  transacted  with  a 
closer  adherence  to  the  line  of  honesty.  That  there  were 
frauds  is  a  matter  of  course,  because  men,  and  even 
some  women,  are  wicked,  but  frauds  were  the  exception. 

Our  commission  finished  its  labors  at  Cairo  on  July 
31,  1862,  and  I  went  at  once  to  Washington  with  the 
report,  placing  it  in  the  hands  of  Mr.  Stanton  on  August 
5th.  It  was  never  printed,  and  the  manuscript  is  still 
in  the  files  of  the  War  Department. 

There  was  a  great  deal  of  curiosity  among  officers  in 
Washington  about  the  result  of  our  investigation,  and 
all  the  time  that  I  was  in  the  city  I  was  being  ques 
tioned  on  the  subject.  It  was  natural  enough  that  they 
should  have  felt  interested  in  our  report.  The  charges 
of  fraud  and  corruption  against  officers  and  contractors 
had  become  so  reckless  and  general  that  the  mere  sight 
of  a  man  in  conference  with  a  high  official  led  to  the 
suspicion  and  often  the  charge  that  he  was  conspiring 
to  rob  the  Government.  That  in  this  case,  where  the 


From  the  Tribune  to  the  War  Department. 

charges  seemed  so  well  based,  so  small  a  percentage  of 
corruption  had  been  proved  was  a  source  of  solid  satis 
faction  to  every  one  in  the  War  Department. 

All  the  leisure  that  I  had  while  in  Cairo  I  spent  in 
horseback  riding  up  and  down  the  river  banks  and  in 
visiting  the  adjacent  military  posts.  My  longest  and 
most  interesting  trip  was  on  the  Fourth  of  July,  when  I 
went  down  the  Mississippi  to  attend  a  big  celebration 
at  Memphis.  I  remember  it  particularly  because  it  was 
there  that  I  first  met  General  Grant.  The  officers  sta 
tioned  in  the  city  gave  a  dinner  that  day,  to  which  I  was 
invited.  At  the  table  I  was  seated  between  Grant  and 
Major  John  A.  Rawlins,  of  his  staff.  I  remember  dis 
tinctly  the  pleasant  impression  Grant  made — that  of  a 
man  of  simple  manners,  straightforward,  cordial,  and 
unpretending.  He  had  already  fought  the  successful 
battles  of  Fort  Donelson  and  Shiloh,  and,  when  I  met 
him,  was  a  major  general  in  command  of  the  district  of 
West  Tennessee,  Department  of  the  Missouri,  under 
Halleck,  with  headquarters  at  Memphis.  Although 
one  would  not  have  suspected  it  from  his  manners,  he 
was  really  under  a  cloud  at  the  time  because  of  his 
operations  at  Shiloh.  Those  who  did  not  like  Grant 
had  accused  him  of  having  been  taken  by  surprise  there, 
and  had  declared  that  he  would  have  been  beaten  if 
Buell  had  not  come  up.  I  often  talked  later  with 
Grant's  staff  officers  about  Shiloh,  and  they  always 
affirmed  that  he  would  have  been  successful  if  Buell  had 
not  come  to  his  relief.  I  believe  Grant  himself  thought 
so,  although  he  never  said  so  directly  in  any  one  of  the 
many  talks  I  had  with  him  about  the  battle. 

15 


CHAPTER  II. 

AT  THE  FRONT  WITH  GRANT'S  ARMY. 

War  speculation  in  cotton — In  business  partnership  with  Roscoe 
Conkling — Appointed  special  commissioner  to  Grant's  army — The 
story  of  a  cipher  code — From  Memphis  to  Milliken's  Bend — The 
various  plans  for  taking  Vicksburg — At  Grant's  headquarters — 
The  beginning  of  trouble  with  McClernand. 

As  Mr.  Stanton  had  no  immediate  need  of  my  serv 
ices,  I  returned  in  August  to  New  York,  where  I  was 
occupied  with  various  private  affairs  until  the  middle 
of  November,  when  I  received  a  telegram  from  Assist- 
ant-Secretary-of-War  P.  H.  Watson,  asking  me  to  go 
immediately  to  Washington  to  enter  upon  another  in 
vestigation.  I  went,  and  was  received  by  Mr.  Stanton, 
who  offered  me  the  place  of  Assistant  Secretary  of  War. 
I  said  I  would  accept. 

"All  right,"  said  he;  "consider  it  settled." 
As  I  went  out  from  the  War  Department  into  the 
street  I  met  Major  Charles  G.  Halpine — "  Miles 
O'Reilly  " — of  the  Sixty-ninth  New  York  Infantry.  I 
had  known  Halpine  well  as  a  newspaper  man  in  New 
York,  and  I  told  him  of  my  appointment  as  Mr.  Stan- 
ton's  assistant.  He  immediately  repeated  what  I  had 
told  him  to  some  newspaper  people.  It  was  reported  in 
the  New  York  papers  the  next  morning.  The  Secre 
tary  was  greatly  offended  and  withdrew  the  appoint- 

16 


At  the  Front  with  Grant's  Army. 

merit.  When  I  told  Halpine  I  had,  of  course,  no  idea 
he  was  going  to  repeat  it;  besides,  I  did  not  think  there 
was  any  harm  in  telling. 

Immediately  after  this  episode  I  formed  a  partner 
ship  with  Roscoe  Conkling  and  George  W.  Chadwick  to 
buy  cotton.  The  outcry  which  the  manufacturers  had 
raised  over  the  inability  to  get  cotton  for  their  indus 
tries  had  induced  the  Government  to  permit  trading 
through  the  lines  of  the  army,  and  the  business  looked 
profitable.  Conkling  and  I  each  put  ten  thousand  dol 
lars  into  the  firm,  and  Chadwick  gave  his  services,  which, 
as  he  was  an  expert  in  cotton,  was  considered  equal  to 
our  capital.  To  facilitate  our  operations,  I  went  to 
Washington  to  ask  Mr.  Stanton  for  letters  of  recom 
mendation  to  the  generals  on  and  near  the  Mississippi, 
where  we  proposed  to  begin  our  purchases.  Mr.  Stan- 
ton  and  I  had  several  conversations  about  the  advisabil 
ity  of  allowing  such  traffic,  but  he  did  not  hesitate  about 
giving  me  the  letters  I  asked.  There  were  several  of 
them:  one  to  General  Hurlbut,  then  at  Memphis;  an 
other  to  General  Grant,  who  had  begun  his  movement 
against  Vicksburg;  and  another  to  General  Curtis,  who 
commanded  in  Arkansas.  The  general  purport  of  them 
was:  "  Mr.  Dana  is  my  friend;  you  can  rely  upon  what 
he  says,  and  if  you  can  be  kind  to  him  in  any  way  you 
will  oblige  me." 

It  was  in  January,  1863,  that  Chadwick  and  I  went 
to  Memphis,  where  we  stayed  at  the  Gayoso  House,  at 
that  time  the  swell  hotel  of  the  town  and  the  headquar 
ters  of  several  officers. 

It  was  not  long  after  I  began  to  study  the  trade 

3  17 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

in  cotton  before  I  saw  it  was  a  bad  business  and  ought 
to  be  stopped.  I  at  once  wrote  Mr.  Stanton  the  follow 
ing  letter,  which  embodied  my  observations  and  gave 
my  opinion  as  to  what  should  be  done: 

MEMPHIS,  January  21,  1863. 

DEAR  SIR:  You  will  remember  our  conversations  on 
the  subject  of  excluding  cotton  speculators  from  the 
regions  occupied  by  our  armies  in  the  South.  I  now 
write  to  urge  the  matter  upon  your  attention  as  a  meas 
ure  of  military  necessity. 

The  mania  for  sudden  fortunes  made  in  cotton,  rag 
ing  in  a  vast  population  of  Jews  and  Yankees  scattered 
throughout  this  whole  country,  and  in  this  town  almost 
exceeding  the  numbers  of  the  regular  residents,  has  to 
an  alarming  extent  corrupted  and  demoralized  the  army. 
Every  colonel,  captain,  or  quartermaster  is  in  secret 
partnership  with  some  operator  in  cotton;  every  soldier 
dreams  of  adding  a  bale  of  cotton  to  his  monthly  pay. 
I  had  no  conception  of  the  extent  of  this  evil  until  I 
came  and  saw  for  myself. 

Besides,  the  resources  of  the  rebels  are  inordinately 
increased  from  this  source.  Plenty  of  cotton  is  brought 
in  from  beyond  our  lines,  especially  by  the  agency  of 
Jewish  traders,  who  pay  for  it  ostensibly  in  Treasury 
notes,  but  really  in  gold. 

What  I  would  propose  is  that  no  private  purchaser 
of  cotton  shall  be  allowed  in  any  part  of  the  occupied 
region. 

Let  quartermasters  buy  the  article  at  a  fixed  price, 
say  twenty  or  twenty-five  cents  per  pound,  and  forward 
it  by  army  transportation  to  proper  centers,  say  Helena, 
Memphis,  or  Cincinnati,  to  be  sold  at  public  auction  on 
Government  account.  Let  the  sales  take  place  on 
regular  fixed  days,  so  that  all  parties  desirous  of  buying 
can  be  sure  when  to  be  present. 

But  little  capital  will  be  required  for  such  an  opera 
tion.  The  sales  being  frequent  and  for  cash,  will  con- 

18 


At  the  Front  with  Granfs  Army. 

stantly  replace  the  amount  employed  for  the  purpose. 
I  should  say  that  two  hundred  thousand  dollars  would 
be  sufficient  to  conduct  the  movement. 

I  have  no  doubt  that  this  two  hundred  thousand 
dollars  so  employed  would  be  more  than  equal  to  thirty 
thousand  men  added  to  the  national  armies. 

My  pecuniary  interest  is  in  the  continuance  of  the 
present  state  of  things,  for  while  it  lasts  there  are  occa 
sional  opportunities  of  profit  to  be  made  by  a  daring 
operator;  but  I  should  be  false  to  my  duty  did  I,  on  that 
account,  fail  to  implore  you  to  put  an  end  to  an  evil  so 
enormous,  so  insidious,  and  so  full  of  peril  to  the 
country. 

My  first  impulse  was  to  hurry  to  Washington  to 
represent  these  things  to  you  in  person;  but  my  en 
gagements  here  with  other  persons  will  not  allow  me 
to  return  East  so  speedily.  I  beg  you,  however,  to  act 
without  delay,  if  possible.  An  excellent  man  to  put  at 
the  head  of  the  business  would  be  General  Strong.  I 
make  this  suggestion  without  any  idea  whether  the  em 
ployment  would  be  agreeable  to  him. 

Yours  faithfully,  CHARLES  A.  DANA. 

Mr.  STANTON. 

P.  S. — Since  writing  the  above  I  have  seen  General 
Grant,  who  fully  agrees  with  all  my  statements  and  sug 
gestions,  except  that  imputing  corruption  to  every 
officer,  which  of  course  I  did  not  intend  to  be  taken 
literally. 

I  have  also  just  attended  a  public  sale  by  the  quar 
termaster  here  of  five  hundred  bales  of  cotton  confis 
cated  by  General  Grant  at  Oxford  and  Holly  Springs. 
It  belonged  to  Jacob  Thompson  and  other  notorious 
rebels.  This  cotton  brought  to-day  over  a  million  and 
a  half  of  dollars,  cash.  This  sum  alone  would  be  five 
times  enough  to  set  on  foot  the  system  I  recommend, 
without  drawing  upon  the  Treasury  at  all.  In  fact, 
there  can  be  no  question  that  by  adopting  this  system 
the  quartermaster's  department  in  this  valley  would  be- 

19 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

come  self-supporting,  while  the  army  would  become 
honest  again,  and  the  slaveholders  would  no  longer 
find  that  the  rebellion  had  quadrupled  the  price  of  their 
great  staple,  but  only  doubled  it. 

As  soon  as  I  could  get  away  from  Memphis  I  went 
to  Washington,  where  I  had  many  conversations  with 
Mr.  Lincoln  and  Mr.  Stanton  about  restricting  the 
trade  in  cotton.  They  were  deeply  interested  in  my 
observations,  and  questioned  me  closely  about  what  I 
had  seen.  My  opinion  that  the  trade  should  be  stopped 
had  the  more  weight  because  I  was  able  to  say,  "  Gen 
eral  Grant  and  every  general  officer  whom  I  have  seen 
hopes  it  will  be  done." 

The  result  of  these  consultations  was  that  on  March 
31,  1863,  Mr.  Lincoln  issued  a  proclamation  declaring 
unlawful  all  commercial  intercourse  with  the  States  in 
insurrection,  except  when  carried  on  according  to  the 
regulations  prescribed  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 
These  regulations  Mr.  Chase  prepared  at  once.  At  the 
same  time  that  Mr.  Lincoln  issued  his  proclamation, 
Mr.  Stanton  issued  an  order  forbidding  officers  and  all 
members  of  the  army  to  have  anything  to  do  with  the 
trade.  In  spite  of  all  these  regulations,  however,  and 
the  modifications  of  them  which  experience  brought, 
there  was  throughout  the  war  more  or  less  difficulty 
over  cotton  trading. 

From  Washington  I  went  back  to  New  York.  I 
had  not  been  there  long  before  Mr.  Stanton  sent  for  me 
to  come  to  Washington.  He  wanted  some  one  to  go  to 
Grant's  army,  he  said,  to  report  daily  to  him  the  mili 
tary  proceedings,  and  to  give  such  information  as  would 

20 


At  the  Front  with  Grant3 s  Army. 

enable  Mr.  Lincoln  and  himself  to  settle  their  minds  as 
to  Grant,  about  whom  at  that  time  there  were  many 
doubts,  and  against  whom  there  was  some  complaint. 

"  Will  you  go?  "  Mr.  Stanton  asked.  "  Yes,"  I  said. 
"  Very  well,"  he  replied.  "  The  ostensible  function  I 
shall  give  you  will  be  that  of  special  commissioner  of 
the  War  Department  to  investigate  the  pay  service  of 
the  Western  armies,  but  your  real  duty  will  be  to  report 
to  me  every  day  what  you  see." 

On  March  I2th  Mr.  Stanton  wrote  me  the  follow 
ing  letter: 

WAR  DEPARTMENT, 
WASHINGTON  CITY,  March,  12,  1863. 

DEAR  SIR:  I  inclose  you  a  copy  of  your  order  of 
appointment  and  the  order  fixing  your  compensation, 
with  a  letter  to  Generals  Sumner,*  Grant,  and  Rose- 
crans,  and  a  draft  for  one  thousand  dollars.  Having 
explained  the  purposes  of  your  appointment  to  you  per 
sonally,  no  further  instructions  will  be  given  unless 
specially  required.  Please  acknowledge  the  receipt  of 
this,  and  proceed  as  early  as  possible  to  your  duties. 
Yours  truly,  EDWIN  M.  STANTON. 

C.  A.  DANA,  Esq.,  New  York. 
My  commission  read: 

ORDERED,  That  C.  A.  Dana,  Esq.,  be  and  he  is 
hereby  appointed  special  commissioner  of  the  War  De 
partment  to  investigate  and  report  upon  the  condition 
of  the  pay  service  in  the  Western  armies.  All  pay 
masters  and  assistant  paymasters  will  furnish  to  the  said 
commissioner  for  the  Secretary  of  War  information  upon 
any  matters  concerning  which  he  may  make  inquiry 

*  General  E.  V.  Sumner,  who  had  just  been  relieved,  at  his  own 
request,  from  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  and  appointed  to  the  Depart 
ment  of  the  Missouri.  He  was  on  his  way  thither  when  he  died,  on 
March  2ist. 

21 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

of  them  as  fully  and  completely  and  promptly  as  if  di 
rectly  called  for  by  the  Secretary  of  War.  Railroad 
agents,  quartermasters,  and  commissioners  will  give 
him  transportation  and  subsistence.  All  officers  and 
persons  in  the  service  will  aid  him  in  the  performance  of 
his  duties,  and  will  afford  him  assistance,  courtesy,  and 
protection.  The  said  commissioner  will  make  report  to 
this  department  as  occasion  may  require. 

The  letters  of  introduction  and  explanation  to  the 
generals  were  identical: 

GENERAL:  Charles  A.  Dana,  Esq.,  has  been  ap 
pointed  a  special  commissioner  of  this  department  to 
investigate  and  report  upon  the  condition  of  the  pay 
service  in  the  Western  armies.  You  will  please  aid  him 
in  the  performance  of  his  duties,  and  communicate  to 
him  fully  your  views  and  wishes  in  respect  to  that 
branch  of  the  service  in  your  command,  and  also  give 
to  him  such  information  as  you  may  deem  beneficial  to 
the  service.  He  is  specially  commended  to  your  cour 
tesy  and  protection.  Yours  truly, 

EDWIN  M.  STANTON. 

I  started  at  once  for  Memphis,  going  by  way  of 
Cairo  and  Columbus. 

I  sent  my  first  dispatch  to  the  War  Department 
from  Columbus,  on  March  2Oth.  It  was  sent  by  a  secret 
cipher  furnished  by  the  War  Department,  which  I  used 
myself,  for  throughout  the  war  I  was  my  own  cipher 
clerk.  The  ordinary  method  at  the  various  headquar 
ters  was  for  the  sender  to  write  out  the  dispatch  in  full, 
after  which  it  was  translated  from  plain  English  into  the 
agreed  cipher  by  a  telegraph  operator  or  clerk  retained 
for  that  exclusive  purpose,  who  understood  it,  and  by 
another  it  was  retranslated  back  again  at  the  other  end 

22 


At  the  Front  with  Grant's  Army. 

of  the  line.  So  whatever  military  secret  was  trans 
mitted  was  at  the  mercy  always  of  at  least  two  outside 
persons,  besides  running  the  gantlet  of  other  prying 
eyes.  Dispatches  written  in  complex  cipher  codes  were 
often  difficult  to  unravel,  unless  transmitted  by  the 
operator  with  the  greatest  precision.  A  wrong  word 
sometimes  destroyed  the  sense  of  an  entire  dispatch, 
and  important  movements  were  delayed  thereby.  This 
explains  the  oft-repeated  "  I  do  not  understand  your 
telegram  "  found  in  the  official  correspondence  of  the 
war  period. 

I  have  become  familiar  since  the  war  with  a  great 
many  ciphers,  but  I  never  found  one  which  was  more 
satisfactory  than  that  which  I  used  in  my  messages  to 
Mr.  Stanton.  In  preparing  my  message  I  first  wrote  it 
out  in  lines  of  a  given  number  of  words,  spaced  regu 
larly  so  as  to  form  five,  six,  seven,  eight,  nine,  and  ten 
columns.  My  key  contained  various  "  routes/'  to  be 
followed  in  writing  out  the  messages  for  transmission. 
Thus,  a  five-column  message  had  one  route,  a  six-col 
umn  another,  and  so  on.  The  route  was  indicated  by 
a  "  commencement  word."  If  I  had  put  my  message 
into  five  columns,  I  would  write  at  the  beginning  the 
word  "  Army,"  or  any  one  in  a  list  of  nine  words.  The 
receiver,  on  looking  for  that  word  in  his  key,  would 
see  that  he  was  to  write  out  what  he  had  received  in 
lines  of  five  words,  thus  forming  five  columns;  and  then 
he  was  to  read  it  down  the  fifth  column,  up  the  third, 
down  the  fourth,  up  the  second,  down  the  first.  At  the 
end  of  each  column  an  "  extra  "  or  "  check  "  word  was 
added  as  a  blind.  A  list  of  "  blind  "  words  was  also 

23 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

printed  in  the  key,  with  each  route,  which  could  be  in 
serted,  if  wished,  at  the  end  of  each  line  so  as  still  further 
to  deceive  curious  people  who  did  not  have  the  key. 
The  key  contained  also  a  large  number  of  cipher  words. 
Thus,  P.  H.  Sheridan  was  "soap"  or  "Somerset"; 
President  was  "  Pembroke  "  or  "  Penfield."  Instead  of 
writing  "there  has  been,"  I  wrote  "maroon";  instead 
of  secession,  "mint";  instead  of  Vicksburg,  "Cupid." 
My  own  cipher  was  "  spunky  "  or  "  squad."  The  days, 
months,  hours,  numerals,  and  alphabet  all  had  ciphers. 

The  only  message  sent  by  this  cipher  to  be  trans 
lated  by  an  outsider  on  the  route,  so  far  as  I  know,  was 
that  one  of  4  P.  M.,  September  20,  1863,  in  which  I  re 
ported  the  Union  defeat  at  Chickamauga.  General  R. 
S.  Granger,  who  was  then  at  Nashville,  was  at  the  tele 
graph  office  waiting  for  news  when  my  dispatch  passed 
through.  The  operator  guessed  out  the  dispatch,  as  he 
afterward  confessed,  and  it  was  passed  around  Nash 
ville.  The  agent  of  the  Associated  Press  at  Louisville 
sent  out  a  private  printed  circular  quoting  me  as  an 
authority  for  reporting  the  battle  as  a  total  defeat,  and 
in  Cincinnati  Horace  Maynard  repeated,  the  same  day 
of  the  battle,  the  entire  second  sentence  of  the  dispatch, 
"  Chickamauga  is  as  fatal  a  name  in  our  history  as  Bull 
Run." 

This  premature  disclosure  to  the  public  of  what  was 
only  the  truth,  well  known  at  the  front,  caused  a  great 
deal  of  trouble.  I  immediately  set  on  foot  an  investiga 
tion  to  discover  who  had  penetrated  our  cipher  code, 
and  soon  arrived  at  a  satisfactory  understanding  of  the 
matter,  of  which  Mr.  Stanton  was  duly  informed.  No 

24 


At  the  Front  with  Granfs  Army. 

blame  could  attach  to  me,  as  was  manifest  upon  tHe  in 
quiry;  nevertheless,  the  sensation  resulted  in  consid 
erable  annoyance  all  along  the  line  from  Chattanooga 
to  Washington.  I  suggested  to  Mr.  Stanton  the  ad 
visability  of  concocting  a  new  and  more  difficult  cipher, 
but  it  was  never  changed,  so  far  as  I  now  remember. 

It  was  from  Columbus,  Ky.,  on  March  20,  1863, 
that  I  sent  my  first  telegram  to  the  War  Department. 
I  did  not  remain  in  Columbus  long,  for  there  was  abso 
lutely  no  trustworthy  information  there  respecting  af 
fairs  down  the  river,  but  took  a  boat  to  Memphis, 
where  I  arrived  on  March  23d.  I  found  General  Hurl- 
but  in  command.  I  had  met  Hurlbut  in  January,  when 
on  my  cotton  business,  and  he  gave  me  every  oppor 
tunity  to  gather  information  concerning  the  operations 
against  Vicksburg.  Four  different  plans  for  reaching 
the  city  were  then  on  foot,  the  essential  element  of  all 
of  them  being  to  secure  for  the  army  on  the  high 
ground  behind  the  city  a  foothold  whence  it  could 
strike,  and  at  the  same  time  be  supplied  from  a  river 
base.  The  first  and  oldest  and  apparently  most  prom 
ising  of  these  plans  was  that  of  the  canal  across  the 
neck  of  the  peninsula  facing  Vicksburg,  on  the  Lou 
isiana  side.  When  I  reached  Memphis  this  canal  was 
thought  to  be  nearly  done. 

The  second  route  was  by  Lake  Providence,  about 
forty  miles  north  of  Vicksburg,  in  Louisiana.  It  was 
close  to  the  western  bank  of  the  Mississippi,  with  which 
it  was  proposed  to  connect  it  by  means  of  a  canal.  The 
Bayou  Macon  connected  Lake  Providence  with  the 
Tensas  River.  By  descending  the  Tensas  to  the 

25 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

Washita,  the  Washita  to  the  Red,  the  Red  to  the  Mis 
sissippi,  the  army  could  be  landed  on  the  east  bank  of 
the  Mississippi  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  miles  south 
of  Vicksburg,  and  thence  could  be  marched  north.  Mc- 
Pherson,  with  his  Seventeenth  Corps,  had  been  ordered 
by  Grant  on  January  3Oth  to  open  this  route.  It  was 
reported  at  Memphis  when  I  arrived  there  that  the 
cutting  of  Lake  Providence  was  perfectly  successful, 
but  that  Bayou  Macon  was  full  of  snags,  which  must  be 
got  out  before  the  Tensas  would  be  accessible. 

The  third  and  fourth  routes  proposed  for  getting 
behind  Vicksburg — namely,  by  Yazoo  Pass  and  Steele's 
Bayou — were  attracting  the  chief  attention  when  I 
reached  Memphis.  Yazoo  Pass  opened  from  the  east 
ern  bank  of  the  Mississippi  at  a  point  about  one  hun 
dred  and  fifty  miles  above  Vicksburg  into  Moon  Lake, 
and  thence  into  the  Coldwater  River.  Through  the 
Coldwater  and  the  Tallahatchie  the  Yazoo  River  was 
reached.  If  troops  could  follow  this  route  and  capture 
Haynes's  Bluff,  fourteen  miles  from  the  mouth  of  the 
Yazoo,  Vicksburg  at  once  became  untenable.  The 
Yazoo  Pass  operation  had  begun  in  February,  but  the 
detachment  had  had  bad  luck,  and  on  my  arrival  at 
Memphis  was  lying  up  the  Yallabusha  waiting  for  re- 
enforcements  and  supplies. 

An  attempt  was  being  made  also  to  reach  the  Yazoo 
by  a  roundabout  route  through  Steele's  Bayou,  Deer 
Creek,  the  Rolling  Fork,  and  the  Big  Sunflower.  Grant 
had  learned  of  this  route  only  a  short  time  before  my 
arrival,  and  had  at  once  sent  Sherman  with  troops  and 
Admiral  Porter  with  gunboats  to  attempt  to  reach  the 

26 


At  the  Front  with  Grant's  Army. 

Yazoo.  On  March  27th  reports  came  to  Memphis  that 
Sherman  had  landed  twenty  regiments  on  the  east  bank 
of  the  Yazoo  above  Haynes's  Bluff,  and  that  the  gun 
boats  were  there  to  support  him.  Reports  from  other 
points  also  were  so  encouraging  that  the  greatest  en 
thusiasm  prevailed  throughout  the  army,  and  General 
Grant  was  said  to  be  dead  sure  he  would  have  Vicks- 
burg  within  a  fortnight. 

Five  days  later,  however,  we  heard  at  Memphis  that 
there  had  been  a  series  of  disasters  in  these  different 
operations,  that  the  Yazoo  Pass  expedition  was  defi 
nitely  abandoned,  and  that  General  Grant  had  an  en 
tirely  new  plan  of  campaign. 

I  had  not  been  long  at  Memphis  before  I  decided 
that  it  was  impossible  to  gather  trustworthy  news  there. 
I  had  to  rely  for  most  of  my  information  on  the  reports 
brought  up  the  river  by  occasional  officers,  not  all 
of  whom  wrere  sure  of  what  they  told,  and  on  the  stories 
of  persons  coming  from  the  vicinity  of  the  different 
operations.  Occasionally  an  intelligent  planter  arrived 
whom  I  was  inclined  to  believe,  but  on  the  whole  I 
found  that  my  sources  of  information  were  few  and  un 
certain.  I  accordingly  suggested  to  Mr.  Stanton,  three 
days  after  my  arrival,  that  I  would  be  more  useful  far 
ther  down  the  river.  In  reply  he  telegraphed: 

WAR  DEPARTMENT, 
WASHINGTON  CITY,  March  30,  1863. 

C.  A.  DANA,  Esq.,  Memphis,  Tenn.,  via  Cairo: 

Your  telegrams  have  been  received,  and  althougK 
the  information  has  been  meager  and  unsatisfactory,  I 
am  conscious  that  arises  from  no  fault  of  yours.  You 
will  proceed  to  General  Grant's  headquarters,  or  wher- 

27 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

ever  you  may  be  best  able  to  accomplish  th'e  purposes 
designated  by  this  department.  You  will  consider  your 
movements  to  be  governed  by  your  own  discretion, 
without  any  restriction. 

EDWIN  M.  STANTON, 

Secretary  of  War. 

'As  soon  after  receiving  his  telegram  as  I  could  get  a 
boat  I  left  Memphis  for  Milliken's  Bend,  where  General 
Grant  had  his  headquarters.  I  reached  there  at  noon  on 
April  6th. 

The  Mississippi  at  Milliken's  Bend  was  a  mile  wide, 
and  the  sight  as  we  came  down  the  river  by  boat  was 
most  imposing.  Grant's  big  army  was  stretched  up  and 
down  the  river  bank  over  the  plantations,  its  white  tents 
affording  a  new  decoration  to  the  natural  magnificence 
of  the  broad  plains.  These  plains,  which  stretch  far 
back  from  the  river,  were  divided  into  rich  and  old  plan 
tations  by  blooming  hedges  of  rose  and  Osage  orange, 
the  mansions  of  the  owners  being  inclosed  in  roses, 
myrtles,  magnolias,  oaks,  and  every  other  sort  of  beau 
tiful  and  noble  trees.  The  negroes  whose  work  made 
all  this  wealth  and  magnificence  were  gone,  and  there 
was  nothing  growing  in  the  fields. 

For  some  days  after  my  arrival  I  lived  in  a  steam 
boat  tied  up  to  the  shore,  for  though  my  tent  was 
pitched  and  ready,  I  was  not  able  to  get  a  mattress  and 
pillow.  From  the  deck  of  the  steamer  I  saw  in  those 
days  many  a  wonderful  and  to  me  novel  sight.  One 
I  remember  still.  I  was  standing  out  on  the  upper 
deck  with  a  group  of  officers,  when  we  saw  far  away, 
close  to  the  other  shore  of  the  river,  a  long  line  of  some- 

28 


At  the  Front  -with  Granfs  Army. 

thing  white  floating  in  the  water.  We  thought  it  was 
foam,  but  it  was  too  long  and  white,  and  that  it  was 
cotton  which  had  been  thrown  into  the  river,  but  it  was 
too  straight  and  regular.  Presently  we  heard  a  gun 
fired,  then  another,  and  then  we  saw  it  was  an  enor 
mous  flock  of  swans.  They  arose  from  the  water  one 
after  the  other,  and  sailed  away  up  the  river  in  long, 
curving,  silver  lines,  bending  and  floating  almost  like 
clouds,  and  finally  disappearing  high  up  in  the  air  above 
the  green  woods  on  the  Mississippi  shore.  I  suppose 
there  were  a  thousand  of  them. 

I  had  not  been  long  at  Milliken's  Bend  before  I 
was  on  friendly  terms  with  all  the  generals,  big  and 
little,  and  one  or  two  of  them  I  found  were  very  rare 
men.  Sherman  especially  impressed  me  as  a  man  of 
genius  and  of  the  widest  intellectual  acquisitions. 
Every  day  I  rode  in  one  direction  or  another  with  an 
officer,  inspecting  the  operations  going  on.  From  what 
I  saw  on  my  rides  over  the  country  I  got  a  new  insight 
into  slavery,  which  made  me  no  more  a  friend  to  that 
institution  than  I  was  before.  I  had  seen  slavery  in 
Maryland,  Kentucky,  Virginia,  and  Missouri,  but  it  was 
not  till  I  saw  these  great  Louisiana  plantations  with  all 
their  apparatus  for  living  and  working  that  I  really  felt 
the  aristocratic  nature  of  the  institution,  and  the  in 
fernal  baseness  of  that  aristocracy.  Every  day  my  con 
viction  was  intensified  that  the  territorial  and  political 
integrity  of  the  nation  must  be  preserved  at  all  costs, 
no  matter  how  long  it  took;  that  it  was  better  to  keep 
up  the  existing  war  as  long  as  was  necessary,  rather 
than  to  make  arrangement  for  indefinite  wars  hereafter 

29 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

and  for  other  disruptions;  that  we  must  have  it  out  then, 
and  settle  forever  the  question,  so  that  our  children 
would  be  able  to  attend  to  other  matters.  For  my  own 
part,  I  preferred  one  nation  and  one  country,  with  a 
military  government  afterward,  if  such  should  follow, ' 
rather  than  two  or  three  nations  and  countries  with 
the  semblance  of  the  old  Constitution  in  each  of  them, 
ending  in  wars  and  despotisms  everywhere. 

As  soon  as  I  arrived  at  Milliken's  Bend,  on  April 
6th,  I  had  hunted  up  Grant  and  explained  my  mission. 
He  received  me  cordially.  Indeed,  I  think  Grant  was 
always  glad  to  have  me  with  his  army.  He  did  not  like 
letter  writing,  and  my  daily  dispatches  to  Mr.  Stanton 
relieved  him  from  the  necessity  of  describing  every  day 
what  was  going  on  in  the  army.  From  the  first  neither 
he  nor  any  of  his  staff  or  corps  commanders  evinced 
any  unwillingness  to  show  me  the  inside  of  things.  In 
this  first  interview  at  Milliken's  Bend,  for  instance, 
Grant  explained  to  me  so  fully  his  new  plan  of  cam 
paign — for  there  was  now  but  one — that  by  three 
o'clock  I  was  able  to  send  an  outline  of  it  to  Mr.  Stan- 
ton.  From  that  time  I  saw  and  knew  all  the  interior 
operations  of  that  toughest  of  tough  jobs,  the  reopen 
ing  of  the  Mississippi. 

The  new  project,  so  Grant  told  me,  was  to  transfer 
his  army  to  New  Carthage,  and  from  there  carry  it  over 
the  Mississippi,  landing  it  at  or  about  Grand  Gulf;  to 
capture  this  point,  and  then  to  operate  rapidly  on  the 
southern  and  eastern  shore  of  the  Big  Black  River, 
threatening  at  the  same  time  both  Vicksburg  and  Jack 
son,  and  confusing  the  Confederates  as  to  his  real  ob- 

30 


At  the  Front  ivith  Grant3 s  Army. 

jective.  If  this  could  be  done  he  believed  the  enemy; 
would  come  out  of  Vicksburg  and  fight. 

The  first  element  in  this  plan  was  to  open  a  passage 
from  the  Mississippi  near  Milliken's  Bend,  above  Vicks 
burg,  to  the  bayou  on  the  west  side,  which  led  around 
to  New  Carthage  below.  The  length  of  navigation  in 
this  cut-off  was  about  thirty-seven  miles,  and  the  plan 
was  to  take  through  with  small  tugs  perhaps  fifty  barges, 
enough,  at  least,  to  transfer  the  whole  army,  with  artil 
lery  and  baggage,  to  the  other  side  of  the  Mississippi  in 
twenty-four  hours.  If  necessary,  troops  were  to  be 
transported  by  the  canal,  though  Grant  hoped  to  march 
them  by  the  road  along  its  bank.  Part  of  McClernand's 
corps  had  already  reached  New  Carthage  overland, 
and  Grant  was  hurrying  other  troops  forward.  The 
canal  to  the  bayou  was  already  half  completed, 
thirty-five  hundred  men  being  at  work  on  it  when  I 
arrived. 

The  second  part  of  the  plan  was  to  float  down  the 
river,  past  the  Vicksburg  batteries,  half  a  dozen  steam 
boats  protected  by  defenses  of  bales  of  cotton  and  wet 
hay;  these  steamboats  were  to  serve  as  transports  of 
supplies  after  the  army  had  crossed  the  Mississippi. 

Perhaps  the  best  evidence  of  the  feasibility  of  the 
project  was  found  in  the  fact  that  the  river  men  pro 
nounced  its  success  certain.  General  Sherman,  who 
commanded  one  of  the  three  corps  in  Grant's  army,  and 
with  whom  I  conversed  at  length  upon  the  subject, 
thought  there  was  no  difficulty  in  opening  the  passage, 
but  that  the  line  would  be  a  precarious  one  for  supplies 
after  the  army  was  thrown  across  the  Mississippi.  Sher- 

31 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

man's  preference  was  for  a  movement  by  way  of  Yazoo 
Pass,  or  Lake  Providence,  but  it  was  not  long  before  I 
saw  in  our  daily  talks  that  his  mind  was  tending  to  the 
conclusion  of  General  Grant.  As  for  General  Grant,  his 
purpose  was  dead  set  on  the  new  scheme.  Admiral 
Porter  cordially  agreed  with  him. 

An  important  modification  was  made  a  few  days 
after  my  arrival  in  the  plan  of  operations.  It  was  deter 
mined  that  after  the  occupation  of  Grand  Gulf  the  main 
army,  instead  of  operating  up  the  Big  Black  toward 
Jackson,  should  proceed  down  the  river  against  Port 
Hudson,  co-operating  with  General  Banks  against 
that  point,  and  that  after  the  capture  of  Port  Hud 
son  the  two  united  forces  should  proceed  against 
Vicksburg. 

There  seemed  to  be  only  one  hitch  in  the  campaign. 
Grant  had  intrusted  the  attack  on  Grand  Gulf  to  Mc- 
Clernand.  Sherman,  Porter,  and  other  leading  officers 
believed  this  a  mistake,  and  talked  frankly  with  me 
about  it.  One  night  when  we  had  all  gathered  at 
Grant's  headquarters  and  were  talking  over  the  cam 
paign  very  freely,  as  we  were  accustomed  to  do,  both 
Sherman  and  Porter  protested  against  the  arrangement. 
But  Grant  would  not  be  changed.  McClernand,  he 
said,  was  exceedingly  desirous  of  the  command.  He 
was  the  senior  of  the  other  corps  commanders.  He  was 
an  especial  favorite  of  the  President,  and  the  position 
which  his  corps  occupied  on  the  ground  when  the  move 
ment  was  first  projected  was  such  that  the  advance 
naturally  fell  to  its  lot;  besides,  he  had  entered  zealously 
into  the  plan  from  the  first,  while  Sherman  had  doubted 

32 


At  the  Front  with  Grant's  Army. 

and  criticised,  and  McPherson,  whom  Grant  said  he 
would  really  have  much  preferred,  was  away  at  Lake 
Providence,  and  though  he  had  approved  of  the  scheme, 
he  had  taken  no  active  part  in  it. 

I  believed  the  assignment  of  this  duty  to  McClernand 
to  be  so  dangerous  that  I  added  my  expostulation  to 
those  of  the  generals,  and  in  reporting  the  case  to  Mr. 
Stanton  I  wrote:  "  I  have  remonstrated  so  far  as  I  could 
properly  do  so  against  intrusting  so  momentous  an 
operation  to  McClernand." 

Mr.  Stanton  replied:  "Allow  me  to  suggest  that 
you  carefully  avoid  giving  any  advice  in  respect  to  com 
mands  that  may  be  assigned,  as  it  may  lead  to  misun 
derstanding  and  troublesome  complications."  Of 
course,  after  that  I  scrupulously  observed  his  directions, 
even  in  extreme  cases. 

As  the  days  went  on  everybody,  in  spite  of  this  hitch, 
became  more  sanguine  that  the  new  project  would  suc 
ceed.  For  my  part  I  had  not  a  doubt  of  it,  as  one  can 
see  from  this  fragment  written  from  Milliken's  Bend  on 
April  1 3th  to  one  of  my  friends: 

"  Like  all  who  really  know  the  facts,  I  feel  no  sort 
of  doubt  that  we  shall  before  long  get  the  nut  cracked. 
Probably  before  this  letter  reaches  New  York  on  its 
way  to  you  the  telegraph  will  get  ahead  of  it  with  the 
news  that  Grant,  masking  Vicksburg,  deemed  impreg 
nable  by  its  defenders,  has  carried  the  bulk  of  his  army 
down  the  river  through  a  cut-off  which  he  has  opened 
without  the  enemy  believing  it  could  be  done;  has  occu 
pied  Grand  Gulf,  taken  Port  Hudson,  and,  effecting  a 
junction  with  the  forces  of  Banks,  has  returned  up  the 
4  33 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  U^ar. 

river  to  threaten  Jackson  and  compel  the  enemy  to  come 
out  of  Vicksburg  and  fight  him  on  ground  of  his  own 
choosing.  Of  course  this  scheme  may  miscarry  in  whole 
or  in  parts,  but  as  yet  the  chances  all  favor  its  execution, 
which  is  now  just  ready  to  begin." 


34 


CHAPTER   III. 

BEFORE   AND    AROUND    VICKSBURG. 

The  hard  job  of  reopening  the  Mississippi — Admiral  Porter  runs  the 
Confederate  batteries — Headquarters  moved  to  Smith's  plantation 
— Delay  and  confusion  in  McClernand's  command — The  unsuc 
cessful  attack  on  Grand  Gulf — The  move  to  the  east  shore — Mr. 
Dana  secures  a  good  horse. 

ON  the  new  lines  adopted  by  General  Grant,  the 
work  went  on  cheeringly,  though  every  day  changes 
were  made  in  the  details.  I  spent  my  days  in  riding  from 
point  to  point,  noting  the  progress.  I  went  out  often 
with  Colonel  G.  G.  Pride,  the  engineer  officer,  in  whose 
mess  I  was,  and  who  was  superintending  the  construc 
tion  of  the  canal  which  led  from  Duckport  to  the  bayou. 
The  work  on  this  canal  was  a  curious  sight  to  see,  for 
there  was  a  force  equal  to  five  regiments  at  the  digging, 
while  a  large  number  of  pioneers  were  engaged  in  clear 
ing  the  bayou  beyond.  The  canal  was  opened  on  April 
1 3th,  and  the  authorities  agreed  that  there  was  no  rea 
son  to  doubt  its  usefulness,  though  the  obstructions  in 
the  bayou  were  so  numerous  that  it  was  thought  that  it 
would  require  several  days  more  to  clear  a  passage  for 
tugs  and  barges. 

One  of  my  most  interesting  trips  from  Milliken's 
Bend  was  made  with  Major  James  H.  Wilson  to  view 
the  casemated  batteries  our  engineers  were  constructing 

35 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

on  the  shore  opposite  Vicksburg.  They  hoped  with  the 
thirty-pound  Parrotts  they  were  putting  in  to  be  able 
to  destroy  any  building  in  the  town.  From  behind  the 
levee  of  the  peninsula  we  were  able  with  our  glasses  to 
examine  the  fortifications  of  Vicksburg. 

The  best  look  I  had  at  that  town,  however,  while 
I  was  at  Milliken's  Bend  was  not  from  the  peninsula 
opposite,  but  from  a  gunboat.  On  April  I2th  I  went 
down  with  a  flag  of  truce  to  the  vicinity  of  Vicksburg, 
so  that  I  got  a  capital  view.  It  was  an  ugly  place, 
with  its  line  of  bluffs  commanding  the  channel  for  fully 
seven  miles,  and  battery  piled  above  battery  all  the 
way. 

Admiral  Porter's  arrangements  for  carrying  out  the 
second  part  of  Grant's  scheme — that  is,  running  the 
Vicksburg  batteries — were  all  completed  by  April  i6th, 
the  ironclads  and  steamers  being  protected  in  vulnerable 
parts  by  bulwarks  of  hay,  cotton,  and  sand  bags,  and 
the  barges  loaded  with  forage,  coal,  and  the  camp  equip 
ment  of  General  McClernand's  corps,  which  was  already 
at  New  Carthage.  No  doubt  was  felt  that  the  design 
was  known  in  Vicksburg,  and  it  was  arranged  that  Ad 
miral  Porter  should  open  fire  there  with  all  his  guns  as 
he  swept  past  the  town,  and  that  the  new  batteries  on 
the  levee  opposite  the  city  should  also  participate. 
Admiral  Porter  was  to  go  with  the  expedition  on  a  small 
tug,  and  he  invited  me  to  accompany  him,  but  it  seemed 
to  me  that  I  ought  not  to  get  out  of  my  communica 
tions,  and  so  refused.  Instead,  I  joined  Grant  on  his 
headquarters  boat,  which  was  stationed  on  the  right 
bank  of  the  river,  where  from  the  bows  we  could  see  the 

36 


Before  and  Around  Vicksburg. 

squadron  as  it  started,  and  could  follow  its  course  until 
it  was  nearly  past  Vicksburg. 

Just  before  ten  o'clock  on  the  night  of  April  i6th 
the  squadron  cast  loose  its  moorings.  It  was  a  strange 
scene.  First  a  mass  of  black  things  detached  itself  from 
the  shore,  and  we  saw  it  float  out  toward  the  middle 
of  the  stream.  There  was  nothing  to  be  seen  except 
this  big  black  mass,  which  dropped  slowly  down  the 
river.  Soon  another  black  mass  detached  itself,  and  an 
other,  then  another.  It  was  Admiral  Porter's  fleet  of 
ironclad  turtles,  steamboats,  and  barges.  They  floated 
down  the  Mississippi  darkly  and  silently,  showing 
neither  steam  nor  light,  save  occasionally  a  signal  astern, 
where  the  enemy  could  not  see  it. 

The  vessels  moved  at  intervals  of  about  two  hundred 
yards.  First  came  seven  ironclad  turtles  and  one  heavy 
armed  ram  ;  following  these  were  two  side-wheel 
steamers  and  one  stern-wheel,  having  twelve  barges  in 
tow;  these  barges  carried  the  supplies.  Far  astern  of 
them  was  one  carrying  ammunition.  The  most  of  the 
gunboats  had  already  doubled  the  tongue  of  land  which 
stretches  northeasterly  in  front  of  Vicksburg,  and  they 
were  immediately  under  the  guns  of  nearly  all  the  Con 
federate  batteries,  when  there  was  a  flash  from  the  upper 
forts,  and  then  for  an  hour  and  a  half  the  cannonade  was 
terrific,  raging  incessantly  along  the  line  of  about  four 
miles  in  extent.  I  counted  five  hundred  and  twenty- 
five  discharges.  Early  in  the  action  the  enemy  put  the 
torch  to  a  frame  building  in  front  of  Vicksburg  to  light 
up  the  scene  and  direct  his  fire. 

About  12.45  A-  M-  one  °f  our  steamers,  the  Henry 

37 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

Clay,  took  fire,  and  burned  for  three  quarters  of  an 
hour.  The  Henry  Clay  was  lost  by  being  abandoned 
by  her  captain  and  crew  in  a  panic,  they  thinking  her  to 
be  sinking.  The  pilot  refused  to  go  with  them,  and 
said  if  they  would  stay  they  would  get  her  through  safe. 
After  they  had  fled  in  the  yawls,  the  cotton  bales  on  her 
deck  took  fire,  and  one  wheel  became  unmanageable. 
The  pilot  then  ran  her  aground,  and  got  upon  a  plank, 
on  which  he  was  picked  up  four  miles  below. 

The  morning  after  Admiral  Porter  had  run  the 
Vicksburg  batteries  I  went  with  General  Grant  to  New 
Carthage  to  review  the  situation.  We  found  the  squad 
ron  there,  all  in  fighting  condition,  though  most  of  them 
had  been  hit.  Not  a  man  had  been  lost. 

As  soon  as  we  returned  to  Milliken's  Bend  Grant 
ordered  that  six  transport  steamers,  each  loaded  with 
one  hundred  thousand  rations  and  forty  days'  coal, 
should  be  made  ready  to  run  the  Vicksburg  batteries. 
The  order  was  executed  on  the  night  of  the  22d.  The 
transports  were  manned  throughout,  officers,  engineers, 
pilots,  and  deck  hands,  by  volunteers  from  the  army, 
mainly  from  Logan's  division.  This  dangerous  service 
was  sought  with  great  eagerness,  and  experienced  men 
had  been  found  for  every  post.  If  ten  thousand  men  had 
been  wanted  instead  of  one  hundred  and  fifty,  they 
would  have  engaged  with  zeal  in  the  adventure.  In 
addition  to  bulwarks  of  hay,  cotton,  and  pork  barrels, 
each  transport  was  protected  by  a  barge  on  each  side 
of  it.  Orders  were  to  drop  noiselessly  down  with  the 
current  from  the  mouth  of  the  Yazoo,  and  not  show 
steam  till  the  enemy's  batteries  began  firing,  when  the 

38 


Before  and  Around  Vicksburg. 

boats  were  to  use  all  their  legs.  The  night  was  cloudy, 
and  the  run  was  made  with  the  loss  of  one  of  the  trans 
ports,  the  Tigress,  which  was  sunk,  and  a  few  men 
wounded. 

The  day  after  these  transports  with  supplies  ran  the 
Vicksburg  batteries  General  Grant  changed  his  head 
quarters  to  Smith's  plantation,  near  New  Carthage. 
All  of  McClernand's  corps,  the  Thirteenth,  was  now 
near  there,  and  that  officer  said  ten  thousand  men  would 
be  ready  to  move  from  New  Carthage  the  next  day. 
McPherson's  corps,  which  had  been  busy  upon  the  Lake 
Providence  expedition  and  other  services,  but  which 
had  been  ordered  to  join,  was  now,  except  one  division, 
moving  over  from  Milliken's  Bend.  Sherman's  corps, 
the  Fifteenth,  which  had  been  stationed  at  Young's 
Point,  was  also  under  marching  orders  to  New  Car 
thage. 

Grant's  first  object  now  was  to  cross  the  Mississippi 
as  speedily  as  possible  and  capture  Grand  Gulf  before  it 
could  be  re-enforced;  but  first  it  was  necessary  to  know 
the  strength  of  this  point.  On  the  22d  Admiral  Porter 
had  gone  down  with  his  gunboats  and  opened  fire  to 
ascertain  the  position  and  strength  of  the  batteries.  He 
reported  them  too  strong  to  overcome,  and  earnestly 
advised  against  a  direct  attack.  He  suggested  that  the 
troops  either  be  marched  down  the  west  side  from  New 
Carthage  to  a  point  where  they  could  be  ferried  over  the 
Mississippi  just  below  Grand  Gulf,  or  that  they  be  em 
barked  on  the  transports  and  barges  and  floated  past 
the  batteries  in  the  night. 

The  day  after  Grant  changed  his  headquarters  to 

39 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

Smith's  plantation  he  went  himself  with  General  Porter 
to  reconnoiter  Grand  Gulf.  His  reconnoissance  con 
vinced  him  that  the  place  was  not  so  strong  as  Admiral 
Porter  had  supposed,  and  an  attack  was  ordered  to  be 
made  as  soon  as  the  troops  could  be  made  ready,  the 
next  day,  April  26th,  if  possible. 

An  irritating  delay  occurred  then,  however.  Mc- 
Clernand's  corps  was  not  ready  to  move.  When  we 
came  to  Smith's  plantation,  on  the  24th,  I  had  seen 
that  there  was  apparently  much  confusion  in  McCler- 
nand's  command,  and  I  was  astonished  to  find,  now 
that  he  was  ordered  to  move  across  the  Mississippi,  that 
he  was  planning  to  carry  his  bride  with  her  servants, 
and  baggage  along  with  him,  although  Grant  had 
ordered  that  officers  should  leave  behind  everything 
that  could  impede  the  march. 

On  the  26th,  the  day  when  it  was  hoped  to  make 
an  attack  on  Grand  Gulf,  I  went  with  Grant  by  water 
from  our  headquarters  at  Smith's  plantation  down 
to  New  Carthage  and  to  Perkins's  plantation  below, 
where  two  of  McClernand's  divisions  were  encamped. 
These  troops,  it  was  supposed,  were  ready  for  immediate 
embarkation,  and  there  were  quite  as  many  as  all  the 
transports  could  carry,  but  the  first  thing  which  struck 
us  both  on  approaching  the  points  of  embarkation  was 
that  the  steamboats  and  barges  were  scattered  about 
in  the  river  and  in  the  bayou  as  if  there  was  no  idea  of 
the  imperative  necessity  of  the  promptest  movement 
possible. 

We  at  once  steamed  to  Admiral  Porter's  flagship, 
which  was  lying  just  above  Grand  Gulf,  and  Grant  sent 

40 


Before  and  Around  Ficksburg. 

for  McClernand,  ordering  him  to  embark  his  men  with 
out  losing  a  moment.  In  spite  of  this  order,  that  night 
at  dark,  when  a  thunderstorm  set  in,  not  a  single  cannon 
or  man  had  been  moved.  Instead,  McClernand  held  a 
review  of  a  brigade  of  Illinois  troops  at  Perkins's  about 
four  o'clock  in  the  afternoon.  At  the  same  time  a  salute 
of  artillery  was  fired,  notwithstanding  the  positive 
orders  that  had  repeatedly  been  given  to  use  no  ammu 
nition  for  any  purpose  except  against  the  enemy. 

When  we  got  back  from  the  river  to  headquarters, 
on  the  night  of  the  26th,  we  found  that  McPherson  had 
arrived  at  Smith's  plantation  with  the  first  division  of  his 
corps,  the  rear  being  not  very  far  behind.  His  whole 
force  would  have  been  up  the  next  day,  but  it  was  neces 
sary  to  arrest  its  movements  until  McClernand  could 
be  got  out  of  the  way;  this  made  McClernand's  delay 
the  more  annoying.  General  Lorenzo  Thomas,  who 
was  on  the  Mississippi  at  this  time  organizing  negro 
troops,  told  me  that  he  believed  now  that  McPherson 
would  actually  have  his  men  ready  to  embark  before 
McClernand. 

Early  the  next  morning,  April  27th,  I  went  with 
Grant  from  Smith's  plantation  back  to  New  Carthage. 
As  soon  as  we  arrived  the  general  wrote  a  very  severe 
letter  to  McClernand,  but  learning  that  at  last  the  trans 
port  steamers  and  barges  had  been  concentrated  for 
use  he  did  not  send  the  rebuke.  Grant  spent  the  day 
there  completing  the  preparations  for  embarking,  and 
on  the  morning  of  the  28th  about  ten  thousand  men 
were  on  board.  This  force  was  not  deemed  sufficient 
for  the  attack  on  Grand  Gulf,  so  the  troops  were  brought 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

down  to  Hard  Times  landing,  on  the  Louisiana  side, 
almost  directly  across  the  river  from  Grand  Gulf,  where 
a  portion  of  them  were  debarked,  and  the  transports 
sent  back  for  Hovey's  division,  six  thousand  strong. 
We  spent  the  night  at  Hard  Times  waiting  for  these 
troops,  which  arrived  about  daylight  on  the  morning  of 
the  29th. 

There  were  now  sixteen  thousand  men  at  Hard 
Times  ready  to  be  landed  at  the  foot  of  the  Grand  Gulf 
bluff  as  soon  as  its  batteries  were  silenced.  At  precisely 
eight  o'clock  the  gunboats  opened  their  attack.  Seven, 
all  ironclads,  were  engaged,  and  a  cannonade  was 
kept  up  for  nearly  six  hours.  We  soon  found  that  the 
enemy  had  five  batteries,  the  first  and  most  formidable 
of  them  being  placed  on  the  high  promontory  close  to 
the  mouth  of  the  Big  Black.  The  lower  batteries, 
mounting  smaller  guns  and  having  no  more  than  two 
pieces  each,  were  silenced  early  in  the  action,  but  this 
one  obstinately  resisted.  For  the  last  four  hours  of  the 
engagement  the  whole  seven  gunboats  were  employed 
in  firing  at  this  one  battery,  now  at  long  range,  seeking 
to  drop  shells  within  the  parapet,  now  at  the  very  foot 
of  the  hill,  within  about  two  hundred  yards,  endeavor 
ing  to  dismount  its  guns  by  direct  fire.  It  was  hit  again 
and  again,  but  its  pieces  were  not  disabled.  At  last, 
about  half  past  one  o'clock,  Admiral  Porter  gave  the 
signal  to  withdraw.  The  gunboats  had  been  hit  more 
or  less  severely.  I  was  on  board  the  Benton  during  the 
attack,  and  saw  that  her  armor  had  been  pierced  re 
peatedly  both  in  her  sides  and  her  pilot  house,  but  she 
had  not  a  gun  disabled;  and  except  for  the  holes 

42 


Before  and  Around  Vicksburg. 

through  her  mail,  some  of  them  in  her  hull,  she  was  as 
ready  to  fight  as  at  the  beginning  of  the  action. 

The  batteries  having  proved  too  much  for  the  gun 
boats,  General  Grant  determined  to  execute  an  alterna 
tive  plan  which  he  had  had  in  mind  from  the  first;  that 
was,  to  debark  the  troops  and  march  them  south  across 
the  peninsula  which  faces  Grand  Gulf  to  a  place  out  of 
reach  of  the  Confederate  guns.  While  the  engagement 
between  the  gunboats  and  batteries  had  been  going  on, 
all  the  rest  of  McClernand's  corps  had  reached  Hard 
Times,  having  marched  around  by  land,  and  three  divi 
sions  of  McPherson's  corps  had  also  come  up.  This 
entire  body  of  about  thirty-five  thousand  men  was  im 
mediately  started  across  the  peninsula  to  De  Shroon's 
plantation,  where  it  was  proposed  to  embark  them  again. 

Late  in  the  evening  I  left  Hard  Times  with  Grant 
to  ride  across  the  peninsula  to  De  Shroon's.  The  night 
was  pitch  dark,  and,  as  we  rode  side  by  side,  Grant's 
horse  suddenly  gave  a  nasty  stumble.  I  expected  to  see 
the  general  go  over  the  animal's  head,  and  I  watched 
intently,  not  to  see  if  he  was  hurt,  but  if  he  would  show 
any  anger.  I  had  been  with  Grant  daily  now  for  three 
weeks,  and  I  had  never  seen  him  ruffled  or  heard  him 
swear.  His  equanimity  was  becoming  a  curious  spec 
tacle  to  me.  When  I  saw  his  horse  lunge  my  first 
thought  was,  "  Now  he  will  swear."  For  an  instant  his 
moral  status  was  on  trial;  but  Grant  was  a  tenacious 
horseman,  and  instead  of  going  over  the  animal's  head, 
as  I  imagined  he  would,  he  kept  his  seat.  Pulling  up 
his  horse,  he  rode  on,  and,  to  my  utter  amazement,  with 
out  a  word  or  sign  of  impatience.  And  it  is  a  fact  that 

43 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

though  I  was  with  Grant  during  the  most  trying  cam 
paigns  of  the  war,  I  never  heard  him  use  an  oath. 

In  order  to  get  the  transports  past  Grand  Gulf,  Por 
ter's  gunboats  had  engaged  the  batteries  about  dusk. 
This  artillery  duel  lasted  until  about  ten  o'clock,  the 
gunboats  withdrawing  as  soon  as  the  transports  were 
safely  past,  and  steaming  at  once  to  De  Shroon's  plan 
tation,  where  General  McClernand's  corps  was  all  ready 
to  take  the  transports.  The  night  was  spent  in  em 
barking  the  men.  By  eleven  o'clock  the  next  morning, 
April  3Oth,  three  divisions  were  landed  on  the  east 
shore  of  the  Mississippi  at  the  place  General  Grant  had 
selected.  This  was  Bruinsburg,  sixty  miles  south  of 
Vicksburg,  and  the  first  point  south  of  Grand  Gulf 
from  which  the  highlands  of  the  interior  could  be 
reached  by  a  road  over  dry  land. 

I  was  obliged  to  separate  from  Grant  on  the  3Oth, 
for  the  means  for  transporting  troops  and  officers  were 
so  limited  that  neither  an  extra  man  nor  a  particle  of 
unnecessary  baggage  was  allowed,  and  I  did  not  get 
over  until  the  morning  of  May  ist,  after  the  army  had 
moved  on  Port  Gibson,  where  they  first  engaged  the 
enemy.  As  soon  as  I  was  landed  at  Bruinsburg  I 
started  in  the  direction  of  the  battle,  on  foot,  of  course, 
as  no  horses  had  been  brought  over.  I  had  not  gone 
far  before  I  overtook  a  quartermaster  driving  toward 
Port  Gibson;  he  took  me  into  his  wagon.  About  four 
miles  from  Port  Gibson  we  came  upon  the  first  signs  of 
the  battle,  a  field  where  it  was  evident  that  there  had 
been  a  struggle.  I  got  out  of  the  wagon  as  we  ap 
proached,  and  started  toward  a  little  white  house  with 

44 


Before  and  ground  Vicksburg. 

green  blinds,  covered  with  vines.  The  little  white  house 
had  been  taken  as  a  field  hospital,  and  the  first  thing  my 
eyes  fell  upon  as  I  went  into  the  yard  was  a  heap  of  arms 
and  legs  which  had  been  amputated  and  thrown  into 
a  pile  outside.  I  had  seen  men  shot  and  dead  men 
plenty,  but  this  pile  of  legs  and  arms  gave  me  a  vivid 
sense  of  war  such  as  I  had  not  before  experienced. 

As  the  army  was  pressing  the  Confederates  toward 
Port  Gibson  all  that  day  I  followed  in  the  rear,  without 
overtaking  General  Grant.  While  trailing  along  after 
the  Union  forces  I  came  across  Fred  Grant,  then  a  lad 
of  thirteen,  who  had  been  left  asleep  by  his  father  on  a 
steamer  at  Bruinsburg,  but  who  had  started  out  on 
foot  like  myself  as  soon  as  he  awoke  and  found  the 
army  had  marched.  We  tramped  and  foraged  together 
until  the  next  morning,  when  some  officers  who  had 
captured  two  old  horses  gave  us  each  one.  We  got  the 
best  bridles  and  saddles  we  could,  and  thus  equipped 
made  our  way  into  Port  Gibson,  which  the  enemy  had 
deserted  and  where  General  Grant  now  had  his  head 
quarters.  I  rode  that  old  horse  for  four  or  five  days, 
then  by  a  chance  I  got  a  good  one.  A  captured  Con 
federate  officer  had  been  brought  before  General  Grant 
for  examination.  Now  this  man  had  a  very  good  horse, 
and  after  Grant  had  finished  his  questions  the  officer 
said: 

"  General,  this  horse  and  saddle  are  my  private 
property;  they  do  not  belong  to  the  Confederate  army; 
they  belong  to  me  as  a  citizen,  and  I  trust  you  will  let 
me  have  them.  Of  course,  while  I  am  a  prisoner  I  do 
not  expect  to  be  allowed  to  ride  the  horse,  but  I  hope 

45 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

you  will  regard  him  as  my  property,  and  finally  restore 
him  to  me." 

"  Well,"  said  Grant,  "  I  have  got  four  or  five  first- 
rate  horses  wandering  somewhere  about  the  Southern 
Confederacy.  They  have  been  captured  from  me  in 
battle  or  by  spies.  I  will  authorize  you,  whenever  you 
find  one  of  them,  to  take  possession  of  him.  I  cheer 
fully  give  him  to  you;  but  as  for  this  horse,  I  think  he  is 
just  about  the  horse  Mr.  Dana  needs." 

I  rode  my  new  acquisition  afterward  through  that 
whole  campaign,  and  when  I  came  away  I  turned  him 
over  to  the  quartermaster.  Whenever  I  went  out  with 
General  Grant  anywhere  he  always  had  some  question 
to  ask  about  that  horse. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

IN  CAMP  AND  BATTLE  WITH  GRANT  AND  HIS  GENERALS. 

Marching  into  the  enemy's  country — A  night  in  a  church  with  a  Bible 
for  pillow — Our  communications  are  cut — Entering  the  capital  of 
Mississippi — The  War  Department  gives  Grant  full  authority — 
Battle  of  Champion's  Hill — General  Logan's  peculiarity — Battle 
field  incidents — Vicksburg  invested  and  the  siege  begun — Per 
sonal  traits  of  Sherman,  McPherson,  and  McClernand. 

• 

IT  was  the  second  day  of  May,  1863,  when  I  rode 
into  Port  Gibson,  Miss.,  and  inquired  for  Grant's  head 
quarters.  I  found  the  general  in  a  little  house  of 
the  village,  busily  directing  the  advance  of  the  army. 
He  told  me  that  in  the  battle  of  the  day  before  the 
Confederates  had  been  driven  back  on  the  roads  to 
Grand  Gulf  and  Vicksburg,  and  that  our  forces  were 
now  in  full  pursuit.  By  the  next  morning,  May  3d,  our 
troops  had  possession  of  the  roads  as  far  as  the  Big 
Black.  As  soon  as  he  was  sure  of  this,  General  Grant 
started  with  a  brigade  of  infantry  and  some  twenty  cav 
alrymen  for  Grand  Gulf.  I  accompanied  him  on  the 
trip.  When  within  about  seven  miles  of  Grand  Gulf  we 
found  that  the  town  had  been  deserted,  and  leaving  the 
brigade  we  entered  with  the  cavalry  escort. 

During  this  ride  to  Grand  Gulf  Grant  made  inquiries 
on  every  side  about  the  food  supplies  of  the  country  we 
were  entering.  He  told  me  he  had  been  gathering  in- 

47 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

formation  on  this  point  ever  since  the  army  crossed  the 
Mississippi,  and  had  made  up  his  mind  that  both  beef 
and  cattle  and  corn  were  abundant  in  the  country.  The 
result  of  this  inquiry  was  that  here  at  Grand  Gulf  Grant 
took  the  resolve  which  makes  the  Vicksburg  campaign 
so  famous — that  of  abandoning  entirely  his  base  of  sup 
plies  as  soon  as  the  army  was  all  up  and  the  rations  on 
the  way  arrived,  boldly  striking  into  the  interior,  and 
depending  on  the  country  for  meat  and  even  for  bread. 

We  did  not  reach  Grand  Gulf  until  late  on  May  3d, 
but  at  one  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  the  4th  Grant  was 
off  for  the  front.  He  had  decided  that  it  was  useless  to 
bring  up  the  army  to  this  place,  to  the  capture  of  which 
we  had  been  so  long  looking,  and  which  had  been 
abandoned  so  quickly  now  that  our  army  was  across 
the  Mississippi.  I  did  not  follow  until  later  in  the  day, 
and  so  had  an  opportunity  of  seeing  General  Sherman. 
His  corps  was  marching  from  above  as  rapidly  as  pos 
sible  down  to  Hard  Times  landing,  and  he  had  come 
over  to  Grand  Gulf  to  see  about  debarking  his  troops 
there;  this  he  succeeded  in  doing  a  couple  of  days  later. 

That  evening  I  joined  Grant  at  his  new  headquar 
ters  at  Hankinson's  Ferry  on  the  Big  Black,  and  now 
began  my  first  experience  with  army  marching  into  an 
enemy's  territory.  A  glimpse  of  my  life  at  this  time  is 
given  in  a  letter  to  a  child,  written  the  morning  after  I 
rejoined  Grant: 

"  All  of  a  sudden  it  is  very  cold  here.  Two  days  ago 
it  was  hot  like  summer,  but  now  I  sit  in  my  tent  in  my 
overcoat,  writing,  and  thinking  if  I  only  were  at  home 
instead  of  being  almost  two  thousand  miles  away. 

48 


In  Camp  and  Battle  with  Grant  and  his  Generals. 

"  Away  yonder,  in  the  edge  of  the  woods,  I  hear 
the  drum-beat  that  calls  the  soldiers  to  their  supper.  It 
is  only  a  little  after  five  o'clock,  but  they  begin  the  day 
very  early  and  end  it  early.  Pretty  soon  after  dark  they 
are  all  asleep,  lying  in  their  blankets  under  the  trees, 
for  in  a  quick  march  they  leave  their  tents  behind. 
Their  guns  are  all  ready  at  their  sides,  so  that  if  they 
are  suddenly  called  at  night  they  can  start  in  a  moment. 
It  is  strange  in  the  morning  before  daylight  to  hear  the 
bugle  and  drums  sound  the  reveille,  which  calls  the  army 
to  wake  up.  It  will  begin  perhaps  at  a  distance  and 
then  run  along  the  whole  line,  bugle  after  bugle  and 
drum  after  drum  taking  it  up,  and  then  it  goes  from 
front  to  rear,  farther  and  farther  away,  the  sweet  sounds 
throbbing  and  rolling  while  you  lie  on  the  grass  with 
your  saddle  for  a  pillow,  half  awake,  or  opening  your 
eyes  to  see  that  the  stars  are  all  bright  in  the  sky,  or 
that  there  is  only  a  faint  flush  in  the  east,  where  the 
day  is  soon  to  break. 

"  Living  in  camp  is  queer  business.  I  get  my  meals 
in  General  Grant's  mess,  and  pay  my  share  of  the  ex 
penses.  The  table  is  a  chest  with  a  double  cover,  which 
unfolds  on  the  right  and  the  left;  the  dishes,  knives  and 
forks,  and  caster  are  inside.  Sometimes  we  get  good 
things,  but  generally  we  don't.  The  cook  is  an  old 
negro,  black  and  grimy.  The  cooking  is  not  as  clean  as 
it  might  be,  but  in  war  you  can't  be  particular  about 
such  things. 

"  The  plums  and  peaches  here  are  pretty  nearly  ripe. 
The  strawberries  have  been  ripe  these  few  days,  but  the 
soldiers  eat  them  up  before  we  get  a  sight  of  them.  The 
5  49 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

figs  are  as  big  as  the  end  of  your  thumb,  and  the  green 
pears  are  big  enough  to  eat.  But  you  don't  know  what 
beautiful  flower  gardens  there  are  here.  I  never  saw 
such  roses;  and  the  other  day  I  found  a  lily  as  big  as  a 
tiger  lily,  only  it  was  a  magnificent  red." 

Grant's  policy  now  was  to  push  the  Confederates 
ahead  of  him  up  the  Big  Black  River,  threatening  Jack 
son,  the  State  capital,  and  the  Big  Black  bridge  behind 
Vicksburg,  and  capturing  both  if  necessary.  His 
opinion  was  that  this  maneuver  would  draw  Pember- 
ton  out  of  Vicksburg  and  bring  on  a  decisive  battle 
within  ten  days. 

From  Hankinson's  Ferry,  the  headquarters  were 
changed  on  the  7th  to  Rocky  Springs,  and  there  we 
remained  until  the  nth.  By  that  time  McClernand 
and  McPherson  had  advanced  to  within  ten  or  twelve 
miles  of  the  railroad  which  runs  from  Vicksburg  to 
Jackson,  and  were  lying  nearly  in  an  east  and  west  line; 
and  Sherman's  entire  corps  had  reached  Hankinson's 
Ferry.  Supplies  which  Grant  had  ordered  from  Milli- 
ken's  Bend  had  also  arrived.  The  order  was  now  given 
to  Sherman  to  destroy  the  bridge  at  Hankinson's  Ferry, 
the  rear  guards  were  abandoned,  and  our  communica 
tions  cut.  So  complete  was  our  isolation  that  it  was  ten 
days  after  we  left  Rocky  Springs,  on  May  nth,  before  I 
was  able  to  get  another  dispatch  to  Mr.  Stanton. 

This  march  toward  Jackson  proved  to  be  no  easy 
affair.  More  than  one  night  I  bivouacked  on  the 
ground  in  the  rain  after  being  all  day  in  my  saddle.  The 
most  comfortable  night  I  had,  in  fact,  was  in  a  church 
of  which  the  officers  had  taken  possession.  Having  no 

50 


In  Camp  and  Battle  with  Grant  and  his  Generals. 

pillow,  I  went  up  to  the  pulpit  and  borrowed  the  Bible 
for  the  night.  Dr.  H.  L.  Hewitt,  who  was  medical 
director  on  Grant's  staff,  slept  near  me,  and  he  always 
charged  me  afterward  with  stealing  that  Bible. 

In  spite  of  the  roughness  of  our  life,  it  was  all  of  in 
tense  interest  to  me,  particularly  the  condition  of  the 
people  over  whose  country  we  were  marching.  A  fact 
which  impressed  me  was  the  total  absence  of  men 
capable  of  bearing  arms.  Only  old  men  and  children 
remained.  The  young  men  were  all  in  the  army  or 
had  perished  in  it.  The  South  was  drained  of  its  youth. 
An  army  of  half  a  million  with  a  white  population  of 
only  five  millions  to  draw  upon,  must  soon  finish  the 
stock  of  raw  material  for  soldiers.  Another  fact  of 
moment  was  that  we  found  men  who  had  at  the  first 
sympathized  with  the  rebellion,  and  even  joined  in  it, 
now  of  their  own  accord  rendering  Grant  the  most 
valuable  assistance,  in  order  that  the  rebellion  might 
be  ended  as  speedily  as  possible,  and  something  saved 
by  the  Southern  people  out  of  the  otherwise  total  and 
hopeless  ruin.  "  Slavery  is  gone,  other  property  is 
mainly  gone,"  they  said,  "  but,  for  God's  sake,  let  us  save 
some  relic  of  our  former  means  of  living." 

In  this  forward  movement  the  left  of  the  army  was 
ordered  to  hug  the  Big  Black  as  closely  as  possible, 
while  the  right  moved  straight  on  Raymond.  On  the 
1 2th,  the  right  wing,  under  McPherson,  met  the  ene 
my  just  west  of  Raymond.  Grant  at  the  time  had  his 
headquarters  about  at  the  center  of  the  army,  with  Sher 
man's  corps,  some  seven  miles  west  of  Raymond. 
I  left  him  to  go  to  the  scene  of  the  battle  at  once.  It 

Si 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

was  a  hard-fought  engagement,  lasting  some  three 
hours.  McPherson  drove  the  Confederates  back  to  and 
through  Raymond,  and  there  stopped.  The  next  day 
the  advance  of  the  army  toward  Jackson  was  continued. 
It  rained  heavily  on  the  march  and  the  roads  were  very 
heavy,  but  the  troops  were  in  the  best  of  spirits  at  their 
successes  and  prospects.  This  work  was  a  great  im 
provement  on  digging  canals  and  running  batteries.  On 
the  afternoon  of  the  I4th,  about  two  and  a  half  miles 
west  of  Jackson,  McPherson  and  Sherman  were  tem 
porarily  stopped  by  the  enemy,  but  he  was  quickly  de 
feated,  and  that  night  we  entered  the  capital  of  Mis 
sissippi. 

At  Jackson  I  received  an  important  telegram  from 
Stanton,  though  how  it  got  to  me  there  I  do  not  re 
member.  General  Grant  had  been  much  troubled  by 
the  delay  McClernand  had  caused  at  New  Carthage,  but 
he  had  felt  reluctant  to  remove  him  as  he  had  been 
assigned  to  his  command  by  the  President.  My  re 
ports  to  the  Secretary  on  the  situation  had  convinced 
him  that  Grant  ought  to  have  perfect  independence  in 
the  matter,  so  he  telegraphed  me  as  follows: 

WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  May  6,  1863. 
C.  A.  DANA,  Esq.,  Smith's  Plantation,  la. 

General  Grant  has  full  and  absolute  authority  to 
enforce  his  own  commands  and  to  remove  any  person 
who  by  ignorance  in  action  or  any  cause  interferes 
with  or  delays  his  operations.  He  has  the  full  con 
fidence  of  the  Government,  is  expected  to  enforce  his 
authority,  and  will  be  firmly  and  heartily  supported, 
but  he  will  be  responsible  for  any  failure  to  exert  his 
powers.  You  may  communicate  this  to  him. 

E.  M.  STANTON,  Secretary  of  War. 

52 


In  Camp  and  Battle  with  Grant  and  his  Generals. 

The  very  evening  of  the  day  that  we  reached  Jack 
son,  Grant  learned  that  Lieutenant-General  Pember- 
ton  had  been  ordered  by  General  Joe  Johnston  to  come 
out  of  Vicksburg  and  attack  our  rear.  Grant  immedi 
ately  faced  the  bulk  of  his  army  about  to  meet  the  ene 
my,  leaving  Sherman  in  Jackson  to  tear  up  the  railroads 
and  destroy  all  the  public  property  there  that  could  be 
of  use  to  the  Confederates.  I  remained  with  Sherman 
to  see  the  work  of  destruction.  I  remember  now  noth 
ing  that  I  saw  except  the  burning  of  vast  quantities  of 
cotton  packed  in  bales,  and  that  I  was  greatly  aston 
ished  to  see  how  slowly  it  burned. 

On  the  afternoon  of  the  I5th  I  joined  Grant  again 
at  his  headquarters  at  Clinton.  Early  the  next  morn 
ing  we  had  definite  information  about  Pemberton. 
He  was  about  ten  miles  to  the  west,  with  twenty-five 
thousand  men,  as  reported,  and  our  advance  was  almost 
up  with  him.  We  at  once  went  forward  to  the  front. 
Here  we  found  Pemberton  in  a  most  formidable  po 
sition  on  the  crest  of  a  wooded  ridge  called  Cham 
pion's  Hill,  over  which  the  road  passed  longitudinally. 
About  eleven  o'clock  in  the  morning  of  the  i6th 
the  battle  began,  and  by  four  in  the  afternoon  it  was 
won. 

After  the  battle  I  started  out  on  horseback  with 
Colonel  Rawlins  to  visit  the  field.  When  we  reached 
Logan's  command  we  found  him  greatly  excited.  He 
declared  the  day  was  lost,  and  that  he  would  soon  be 
swept  from  his  position.  I  contested  the  point  with 
him.  "  Why,  general,"  I  said,  "  we  have  gained  the 
day." 

53 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

He  could  not  see  it.  "  Don't  you  hear  the  cannon 
over  there?  "  he  answered.  "  They  will  be  down  on  us 
right  away!  In  an  hour  I  will  have  twenty  thousand 
men  to  fight." 

I  found  afterward  that  this  was  simply  a  curious 
idiosyncrasy  of  Logan's.  In  the  beginning  of  a  fight  he 
was  one  of  the  bravest  men  that  could  be,  saw  no 
danger,  went  right  on  fighting  until  the  battle  was  over. 
Then,  after  the  battle  was  won,  his  mind  gained  an 
immovable  conviction  that  it  was  lost.  Where  we  were 
victorious,  he  thought  that  we  were  defeated.  I  had  a 
very  interesting  conversation  with  Logan  on  this  day, 
when  he  attempted  to  convince  me  that  we  had  lost  the 
battle  of  Champion's  Hill.  It  was  merely  an  intellectual 
peculiarity.  It  did  not  in  the  least  impair  his  value  as  a 
soldier  or  commanding  officer.  He  never  made  any 
mistake  on  account  of  it. 

On  leaving  Logan,  Rawlins  and  I  were  joined  by 
several  officers,  and  we  continued  our  ride  over  the 
field.  On  the  hill  where  the  thickest  of  the  fight  had 
taken  place  we  stopped,  and  were  looking  around  at 
the  dead  and  dying  men  lying  all  about  us,  when  sud 
denly  a  man,  perhaps  forty-five  or  fifty  years  old,  who 
had  a  Confederate  uniform  on,  lifted  himself  up  on  his 
elbow,  and  said: 

"  For  God's  sake,  gentlemen,  is  there  a  Mason 
among  you?  " 

"Yes,"  said  Rawlins,  "  I  am  a  Mason."  He  got 
off  his  horse  and  kneeled  by  the  dying  man,  who  gave 
him  some  letters  out  of  his  pocket.  When  he  came 
back  Rawlins  had  tears  on  his  cheeks.  The  man,  he 

54 


In  Camp  and  Battle  with  Grant  and  his  Generals. 

told  us,  wanted  him  to  convey  some  souvenir — a  minia 
ture  or  a  ring,  I  do  not  remember  what — to  his  wife, 
who  was  in  Alabama.  Rawlins  took  the  package,  and 
some  time  afterward  he  succeeded  in  sending  it  to  the 
woman. 

I  remained  out  late  that  night  conversing  with  the 
officers  who  had  been  in  the  battle,  and  think  it  must 
have  been  about  eleven  o'clock  when  I  got  to  Grant's 
headquarters,  where  I  was  to  sleep.  Two  or  three 
officers  who  had  been  out  with  me  went  with  me  into 
the  little  cottage  which  Grant  had  taken  possession  of. 
We  found  a  wounded  man  there,  a  tall  and  fine-looking 
man,  a  Confederate.  He  stood  up  suddenly  and  said: 
"  Kill  me!  Will  some  one  kill  me?  I  am  in  such  an 
guish  that  it  will  be  mercy  to  do  it — I  have  got  to  die — 
kill  me — don't  let  me  suffer!  "  We  sent  for  a  surgeon, 
who  examined  his  case,  but  said  it  was  hopeless.  He 
had  been  shot  through  the  head,  so  that  it  had  cut  off 
the  optic  nerve  of  both  eyes.  He  never  could  possibly 
see  again.  Before  morning  he  died. 

I  was  up  at  daylight  the  next  day,  and  off  with  Grant 
and  his  staff  after  the  enemy.  We  rode  directly  west, 
and  overtook  Pemberton  at  the  Big  Black.  He  had 
made  a  stand  on  the  bottom  lands  at  the  east  head  of  the 
Big  Black  bridge.  Here  he  fought  in  rifle-pits,  pro 
tected  by  abatis  and  a  difficult  bayou.  Lawler's  brigade, 
of  McClernand's  corps,  charged  the  left  of  the  Con 
federate  rifle-pits  magnificently,  taking  more  prisoners 
than  their  own  numbers.  The  others  fled.  Pemberton 
burned  his  bridge  and  retreated  rapidly  into  Vicks- 
burg,  with  only  three  cannon  out  of  sixty-three  with 

55 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

which  he  had  entered  upon  this  short,  sharp,  and  de 
cisive  campaign. 

There  was  nothing  for  Grant  to  do  now  but  build 
bridges  and  follow.  Before  morning  four  bridges  had 
been  thrown  across  the  Big  Black,  and  by  the  even 
ing  of  that  day,  the  i8th,  the  army  had  arrived  be 
hind  Vicksburg,  which  was  now  its  front.  In  twenty- 
four  hours  after  Grant's  arrival  the  town  was  invested, 
the  bluffs  above  the  town  had  been  seized  so  that  we 
could  get  water  from  the  Mississippi,  and  Haynes's  Bluff 
up  the  Yazoo  had  been  abandoned  by  the  Confederates. 
With  the  Yazoo  highlands  in  our  control  there  was  no 
difficulty  in  establishing  a  line  of  supplies  with  our  origi 
nal  base  on  the  Mississippi.  On  the  2Oth  I  was  able 
to  get  off  to  Mr.  Stanton  the  first  dispatch  from  the 
rear  of  Vicksburg.  In  it  I  said,  "  Probably  the  town 
will  be  carried  to-day." 

The  prediction  was  not  verified.  The  assault  we 
expected  was  not  made  until  the  morning  of  the  22d. 
It  failed,  but  without  heavy  loss.  Early  in  the  after 
noon,  however,  McClernand,  who  was  on  the  left  of 
our  lines,  reported  that  he  was  in  possession  of  two 
forts  of  the  rebel  line,  was  hard  pressed,  and  in  great 
need  of  re-enforcements.  Not  doubting  that  he  had 
really  succeeded  in  taking  and  holding  the  works  he 
pretended  to  hold,  General  Grant  sent  a  division  to  his 
support,  and  at  the  same  time  ordered  Sherman  and 
McPherson  to  make  new  attacks.  McClernand's  report 
was  false,  for,  although  a  few  of  his  men  had  broken 
through  in  one  place,  he  had  not  taken  a  single  fort,  and 
the  result  of  the  second  assault  was  disastrous.  We 

56 


In  Camp  and  Battle  with  Grant  and  his  Generals. 

were  repulsed,  losing  quite  heavily,  when  but  for  his 
error  the  total  loss  of  the  day  would  have  been  incon 
siderable. 

The  failure  of  the  22d  convinced  Grant  of  the 
necessity  of  a  regular  siege,  and  immediately  the  army 
settled  down  to  that.  We  were  in  an  incomparable 
position  for  a  siege  as  regarded  the  health  and  com 
fort  of  our  men.  The  high  wooded  hills  afforded  pure 
air  and  shade,  and  the  deep  ravines  abounded  in  springs 
of  excellent  water,  and  if  they  failed  it  was  easy  to  bring 
it  from  the  Mississippi.  Our  line  of  supplies  was  beyond 
the  reach  of  the  enemy,  and  there  was  an  abundance  of 
fruit  all  about  us.  I  frequently  met  soldiers  coming  into 
camp  with  buckets  full  of  mulberries,  blackberries,  and 
red  and  yellow  wild  plums. 

The  army  was  deployed  at  this  time  in  the  following 
way:  The  right  of  the  besieging  force  was  held  by  Gen 
eral  Sherman,  whose  forces  ran  from  the  river  along  the 
bluffs  around  the  northeast  of  the  town.  Sherman's 
front  was  at  a  greater  distance  from  the  enemy  than  that 
of  any  other  corps,  and  the  approach  less  advantageous, 
but  he  began  his  siege  works  with  great  energy  and 
admirable  skill.  Everything  I  saw  of  Sherman  at  the 
Vicksburg  siege  increased  my  admiration  for  him.  He 
was  a  very  brilliant  man  and  an  excellent  commander 
of  a  corps.  Sherman's  information  was  great,  and  he 
was  a  clever  talker.  He  always  liked  to  have  people 
about  who  could  keep  up  with  his  conversation;  besides, 
he  was  genial  and  unaffected.  I  particularly  admired 
his  loyalty  to  Grant.  He  had  criticised  the  plan  of 
campaign  frankly  in  the  first  place,  but  had  supported 

57 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

every  movement  with  all  his  energy,  and  now  that  we 
were  in  the  rear  of  Vicksburg  he  gave  loud  praise  to  the 
commander  in  chief. 

To  the  left  of  Sherman  lay  the  Seventeenth  Army 
Corps,  under  Major-General  J.  B.  McPherson.  He  was 
one  of  the  best  officers  we  had.  He  was  but  thirty-two 
years  old  at  the  time,  and  a  very  handsome,  gallant- 
looking  man,  with  rather  a  dark  complexion,  dark  eyes, 
and  a  most  cordial  manner.  McPherson  was  an  en 
gineer  officer  of  fine  natural  ability  and  extraordinary 
acquirements,  having  graduated  Number  One  in  his 
class  at  West  Point,  and  was  held  in  high  estimation  by 
Grant  and  his  professional  brethren.  Halleck  gave  him 
his  start  in  the  civil  war,  and  he  had  been  with  Grant 
at  Donelson  and  ever  since.  He  was  a  man  without 
any  pretensions,  and  always  had  a  pleasant  hand-shake 
for  you. 

It  is  a  little  remarkable  that  the  three  chief  figures  in 
this  great  Vicksburg  campaign — Grant,  Sherman,  and 
McPherson — were  all  born  in  Ohio.  The  utmost  cor 
diality  and  confidence  existed  between  these  three  men, 
and  it  always  seemed  to  me  that  much  of  the  success 
achieved  in  these  marches  and  battles  was  owing  to  this 
very  fact.  There  was  no  jealousy  or  bickering,  and  in 
their  unpretending  simplicity  they  were  as  alike  as  three 
peas.  No  country  was  ever  more  faithfully,  unselfishly 
served  than  was  ours  in  the  Vicksburg  campaign  by 
these  three  Ohio  officers. 

To  McPherson's  left  was  the  Thirteenth  Army 
Corps,  under  Major-General  John  A.  McClernand. 
Next  to  Grant  he  was  the  ranking  officer  in  the  army. 

58 


In  Camp  and  Battle  with  Grant  and  his  Generals. 

The  approaches  on  his  front  were  most  favorable  to  us, 
and  the  enemy's  line  of  works  evidently  much  the  weak 
est  there,  but  he  was  very  inefficient  and  slow  in  push 
ing  his  siege  operations.  Grant  had  resolved  on  the 
23d  to  relieve  McClernand  for  his  false  dispatch  of  the 
day  before  stating  that  he  held  two  of  the  enemy's 
forts,  but  he  changed  his  mind,  concluding  that  it  would 
be  better  on  the  whole  to  leave  him  in  his  command 
till  the  siege  was  concluded.  From  the  time  that  I 
had  joined  Grant's  army  at  Milliken's  Bend  and  heard 
him  criticising  Porter,  Sherman,  and  other  officers, 
I  had  been  observing  McClernand  narrowly  myself. 
My  own  judgment  of  him  by  this  time  was  that  he  had 
not  the  qualities  necessary  for  commander  even  of  a 
regiment.  In  the  first  place,  he  was  not  a  military  man; 
he  was  a  politician  and  a  member  of  Congress.  He  was 
a  man  of  a  good  deal  of  a  certain  kind  of  talent,  not  of  a 
high  order,  but  not  one  of  intellectual  accomplishments. 
His  education  was  that  which  a  man  gets  who  is  in 
Congress  five  or  six  years.  In  short,  McClernand  was 
merely  a  smart  man,  quick,  very  active-minded,  but  his 
judgment  was  not  solid,  and  he  looked  after  himself  a 
good  deal.  Mr.  Lincoln  also  looked  out  carefully  for 
McClernand,  because  he  was  an  Illinois  Democrat,  with 
a  considerable  following  among  the  people.  It  was  a 
great  thing  to  get  McClernand  into  the  war  in  the  first 
place,  for  his  natural  predisposition,  one  would  have 
supposed,  would  have  been  to  sympathize  with  the 
South.  As  long  as  he  adhered  to  the  war  he  carried 
his  Illinois  constituency  with  him;  and  chiefly  for  this 
reason,  doubtless,  Lincoln  made  it  a  point  to  take 

59 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

special  care  of  him.  In  doing  this  the  President  really 
served  the  greater  good  of  the  cause.  But  from  the 
circumstances  of  Lincoln's  supposed  friendship,  Mc- 
Clernand  had  more  consequence  in  the  army  than  he  de 
served. 


60 


CHAPTER  V. 

SOME    CONTEMPORARY    PORTRAITS. 

Grant  before  his  great  fame — His  friend  and  mentor,  General  Rawlins 
— James  Harrison  Wilson — Two  semi-official  letters  to  Stanton — 
Character  sketches  for  the  information  of  the  President  and  Sec 
retary — Mr.  Dana's  early  judgment  of  soldiers  who  afterward  won 
distinction. 

LIVING  at  headquarters  as  I  did  throughout  the  siege 
of  Vicksburg,  I  soon  became  intimate  with  General 
Grant,  not  only  knowing  every  operation  while  it  was 
still  but  an  idea,  but  studying  its  execution  on  the  spot. 
Grant  was  an  uncommon  fellow — the  most  modest,  the 
most  disinterested,  and  the  most  honest  man  I  ever 
knew,  with  a  temper  that  nothing  could  disturb,  and  a 
judgment  that  was  judicial  in  its  comprehensiveness  and 
wisdom.  Not  a  great  man,  except  morally;  not  an 
original  or  brilliant  man,  but  sincere,  thoughtful,  deep, 
and  gifted  with  courage  that  never  faltered;  when  the 
time  came  to  risk  all,  he  went  in  like  a  simple-hearted, 
unaffected,  unpretending  hero,  whom  no  ill  omens  could 
deject  and  no  triumph  unduly  exalt.  A  social,  friendly 
man,  too,  fond  of  a  pleasant  joke  and  also  ready  with 
one;  but  liking  above  all  a  long  chat  of  an  evening,  and 
ready  to  sit  up  with  you  all  night,  talking  in  the  cool 
breeze  in  front  of  his  tent.  Not  a  man  of  sentimentality, 

61 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

not  demonstrative  in  friendship,  but  always  holding  to 
his  friends,  and  just  even  to  the  enemies  he  hated. 

After  Grant,  I  spent  more  time  at  Vicksburg  with  his 
assistant  adjutant  general,  Colonel  John  A.  Rawlins,  and 
with  Lieutenant-Colonel  Wilson,  than  with  anybody 
else.  Rawlins  was  one  of  the  most  valuable  men  in 
the  army,  in  my  judgment.  He  had  but  a  limited  edu 
cation,  which  he  had  picked  up  at  the  neighbourhood 
school  and  in  Galena,  111.,  near  which  place  he  was 
born  and  where  he  had  worked  himself  into  the  law; 
but  he  had  a  very  able  mind,  clear,  strong,  and  not  sub 
ject  to  hysterics.  He  bossed  everything  at  Grant's 
headquarters.  He  had  very  little  respect  for  persons,  and 
a  rough  style  of  conversation.  I  have  heard  him  curse 
at  Grant  when,  according  to  his  judgment,  the  general 
was  doing  something  that  he  thought  he  had  better  not 
do.  But  he  was  entirely  devoted  to  his  duty,  with  the 
clearest  judgment,  and  perfectly  fearless.  Without  him 
Grant  would  not  have  been  the  same  man.  Rawlins 
was  essentially  a  good  man,  though  he  was  one  of  the 
most  profane  men  I  ever  knew;  there  was  no  guile  in 
him — he  was  as  upright  and  as  genuine  a  character  as  I 
ever  came  across. 

James  H.  Wilson  I  had  first  met  at  Milliken's  Bend, 
when  he  was  serving  as  chief  topographical  engineer 
and  assistant  inspector  general  of  the  Army  of  the  Ten 
nessee.  He  was  a  brilliant  man  intellectually,  highly 
educated,  and  thoroughly  companionable.  We  became 
warm  friends  at  once,  and  were  together  a  great  deal 
throughout  the  war.  Rarely  did  Wilson  go  out  on  a 
specially  interesting  tour  of  inspection  that  he  did  not 

62 


Some  Contemporary  Portraits. 

invite  me  to  accompany  him,  and  I  never  failed,  if  I 
were  at  liberty,  to  accept  his  invitations.  Much  of  the 
exact  information  about  the  condition  of  the  works 
which  I  was  able  to  send  to  Mr.  Stanton  Wilson  put  in 
my  way. 

I  have  already  spoken  of  McClernand,  Sherman,  and 
McPherson,  Grant's  three  chief  officers,  but  there  were 
many  subordinate  officers  of  value  in  his  army,  not  a 
few  of  whom  became  afterward  soldiers  of  distinction. 
At  the  request  of  Secretary  Stanton,  I  had  begun  at 
Vicksburg  a  series  of  semi-official  letters,  in  which  I 
undertook  to  give  my  impressions  of  the  officers  in 
Grant's  army.  These  letters  were  designed  to  help  Mr. 
Lincoln  and  Mr.  Stanton  in  forming  their  judgments  of 
the  men.  In  order  to  set  the  personnel  of  the  command 
ing  force  distinctly  before  the  reader,  I  quote  here  one 
of  these  letters,  written  at  Cairo  after  the  siege  had 
ended.  It  has  never  been  published  before,  and  it  gives 
my  judgment  at  that  time  of  the  subordinate  officers  in 
the  Vicksburg  campaign: 

CAIRO,  ILL.,  July  12,  1863. 

DEAR  SIR:  Your  dispatch  of  June  2Qth,  desiring 
me  to  "  continue  my  sketches,"  I  have  to-day  seen  for 
the  first  time.  It  was  sent  down  the  river,  but  had  not 
arrived  when  I  left  Vicksburg  on  the  5th  instant. 

Let  me  describe  the  generals  of  division  and  bri 
gade  in  Grant's  army  in  the  order  of  the  army  corps 
to  which  they  are  attached,  beginning  with  the  Thir 
teenth. 

The  most  prominent  officer  of  the  Thirteenth  Corps, 
next  to  the  commander  of  the  corps,  is  Brigadier-Gen 
eral  A.  P.  Hovey.  He  is  a  lawyer  of  Indiana,  and  from 
forty  to  forty-five  years  old.  He  is  ambitious,  active, 
nervous,  irritable,  energetic,  clear-headed,  quick-witted, 

63 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

and  prompt-handed.  He  works  with  all  his  might  and 
all  his  mind;  and,  unlike  most  volunteer  officers,  makes 
it  his  business  to  learn  the  military  profession  just  as  if 
he  expected  to  spend  his  life  in  it.  He  distinguished 
himself  most  honorably  at  Port  Gibson  and  Champion's 
Hill,  and  is  one  of  the  best  officers  in  this  army.  He 
is  a  man  whose  character  will  always  command  respect, 
though  he  is  too  anxious  about  his  personal  renown 
and  his  own  advancement  to  be  considered  a  first-rate 
man  morally,  judged  by  the  high  standard  of  men  like 
Grant  and  Sherman. 

Hovey's  principal  brigadiers  are  General  McGinnis 
and  Colonel  Slack.  McGinnis  is  brave  enough,  but  too 
excitable.  He  lost  his  balance  at  Champion's  Hill.  He 
is  not  likely  ever  to  be  more  than  a  brigadier.  Slack  is 
a  solid,  steady  man,  brave,  thorough,  and  sensible,  but 
will  never  set  the  river  afire.  His  education  is  poor,  but 
he  would  make  a  respectable  brigadier  general,  and,  I 
know,  hopes  to  be  promoted. 

Next  to  Hovey  is  Osterhaus.  This  general  is  uni 
versally  well  spoken  of.  He  is  a  pleasant,  genial  fellow, 
brave  and  quick,  and  makes  a  first-rate  report  of  a  re- 
connoissance.  There  is  not  another  general  in  this 
army  who  keeps  the  commander  in  chief  so  well  in 
formed  concerning  whatever  happens  at  his  outposts. 
As  a  disciplinarian  he  is  not  equal  to  Hovey,  but  is 
much  better  than  some  others.  On  the  battlefield  he 
lacks  energy  and  concentrativeness.  His  brigade  com 
manders  are  all  colonels,  and  I  don't  know  much  of 
them. 

The  third  division  of  the  Thirteenth  Corps  is  com 
manded  by  General  A.  J.  Smith,  an  old  cavalry  officer 
of  the  regular  service.  He  is  intrepid  to  recklessness, 
his  head  is  clear  though  rather  thick,  his  disposition 
honest  and  manly,  though  given  to  boasting  and  self- 
exaggeration  of  a  gentle  and  innocent  kind.  His  divi 
sion  is  well  cared  for,  but  is  rather  famous  for  slow 
instead  of  rapid  marching.  McClernand,  however,  dis 
liked  him,  and  kept  him  in  the  rear  throughout  the  late 


UNIVER 

or 
Some  Contemporary  Portraits.        ^^ 

campaign.  He  is  a  good  officer  to  command  a  division 
in  an  army  corps,  but  should  not  be  intrusted  with  any 
important  independent  command. 

Smith's  principal  brigadier  is  General  Burbridge, 
whom  I  judge  to  be  a  mediocre  officer,  brave,  rather 
pretentious,  a  good  fellow,  not  destined  to  greatness. 

The  fourth  division  in  the  Thirteenth  Corps  is  Gen 
eral  Carr's.  He  has  really  been  sick  thoughout  the 
campaign,  and  had  leave  to  go  home  several  weeks 
since,  but  stuck  it  out  till  the  surrender.  This  may 
account  for  a  critical,  hang-back  disposition  which  he 
has  several  times  exhibited.  He  is  a  man  of  more  culti 
vation,  intelligence,  and  thought  than  his  colleagues 
generally.  The  discipline  in  his  camps  I  have  thought 
to  be  poor  and  careless.  He  is  brave  enough,  but  lacks 
energy  and  initiative. 

Carr's  brigadiers  comprise  General  M.  K.  Lawler 
and  General  Lee,  of  Kansas.  Lawler  weighs  two  hun 
dred  and  fifty  pounds,  is  a  Roman  Catholic,  and  was  a 
Douglas  Democrat,  belongs  in  Shawneetown,  111.,  and 
served  in  the  Mexican  War.  He  is  as  brave  as  a  lion, 
and  has  about  as  much  brains;  but  his  purpose  is  al 
ways  honest,  and  his  sense  is  always  good.  He  is  a 
good  disciplinarian  and  a  first-rate  soldier.  He  once 
hung  a  man  of  his  regiment  for  murdering  a  comrade, 
without  reporting  the  case  to  his  commanding  general 
either  before  or  after  the  hanging,  but  there  was  no 
doubt  the  man  deserved  his  fate.  Grant  has  two  or 
three  times  gently  reprimanded  him  for  indiscretions, 
but  is  pretty  sure  to  go  and  thank  him  after  a  battle. 
Carr's  third  brigadier  I  don't  know. 

In  the  Fifteenth  Corps  there  are  two  major  generals 
who  command  divisions — namely,  Steele  and  Blair — 
and  one  brigadier,  Tuttle.  Steele  has  also  been  sick 
through  the  campaign,  but  has  kept  constantly  at  his 
post.  He  is  a  gentlemanly,  pleasant  fellow.  .  .  .  Sher 
man  has  a  high  opinion  of  his  capacity,  and  every  one 
says  that  he  handles  troops  with  great  coolness  and 
skill  in  battle.  To  me  his  mind  seems  to  work  in  a 

6  65 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

desultory  way,  like  the  mind  of  a  captain  of  infantry 
long  habituated  to  garrison  duty  at  a  frontier  post.  He 
takes  things  in  bits,  like  a  gossiping  companion,  and 
never  comprehensively  and  strongly,  like  a  man  of  clear 
brain  and  a  ruling  purpose.  But  on  the  whole  I  con 
sider  him  one  of  the  best  division  generals  in  this  army, 
yet  you  can  not  rely  on  him  to  make  a  logical  state 
ment,  or  to  exercise  any  independent  command. 

Of  Steele's  brigadiers,  Colonel  Woods  eminently  de 
serves  promotion.  A  Hercules  in  form,  in  energy,  and 
in  pertinacity,  he  is  both  safe  and  sure.  Colonel  Manter, 
of  Missouri,  is  a  respectable  officer.  General  Thayer  is 
a  fair  but  not  first-rate  officer. 

Frank  Blair  is  about  the  same  as  an  officer  that  he 
is  as  a  politician.  He  is  intelligent,  prompt,  determined, 
rather  inclining  to  disorder,  a  poor  disciplinarian,  but  a 
brave  fighter.  I  judge  that  he  will  soon  leave  the  army, 
and  that  he  prefers  his  seat  in  Congress  to  his  commis 
sion. 

In  Frank  Blair's  division  there  are  two  brigadier 
generals,  Ewing  and  Lightburne.  Ewing  seems  to  pos 
sess  many  of  the  qualities  of  his  father,  whom  you  know 
better  than  I  do,  I  suppose.  Lightburne  has  not  served 
long  with  this  army,  and  I  have  had  no  opportunity 
of  learning  his  measure.  Placed  in  a  command  during 
the  siege  where  General  Sherman  himself  directed  what 
was  to  be  done,  he  has  had  little  to  do.  He  seems  to 
belong  to  the  heavy  rather  than  the  rapid  department  of 
the  forces. 

Colonel  Giles  Smith  is  one  of  the  very  best  briga 
diers  in  Sherman's  corps,  perhaps  the  best  of  all  next  to 
Colonel  Woods.  He  only  requires  the  chance  to  de 
velop  into  an  officer  of  uncommon  power  and  useful 
ness.  There  are  plenty  of  men  with  generals'  commis 
sions  who  in  all  military  respects  are  not  fit  to  tie  his 
shoes. 

Of  General  Tuttle,  who  commands  Sherman's  third 
division,  I  have  already  spoken,  and  need  not  here  re 
peat  it.  Bravery  and  zeal  constitute  his  only  qualifica- 

66 


Some  Contemporary  Portraits. 

tions  for  command.  His  principal  brigadier  is  General 
Mower,  a  brilliant  officer,  but  not  of  large  mental  cali 
bre.  Colonel  Wood,  who  commands  another  of  his 
brigades,  is  greatly  esteemed  by  General  Grant,  but  I 
do  not  know  him;  neither  do  I  know  the  commander  of 
his  third  brigade. 

Three  divisions  of  the  Sixteenth  Corps  have  been 
serving  in  Grant's  army  for  some  time  past.  They  are 
all  commanded  by  brigadier  generals,  and  the  brigades 
by  colonels.  The  first  of  these  divisions  to  arrive  before 
Vicksburg  was  Lauman's.  This  general  got  his  promo 
tion  by  bravery  on  the  field  and  Iowa  political  influence. 
He  is  totally  unfit  to  command — a  very  good  man  but  a 
very  poor  general.  His  brigade  commanders  are  none 
of  them  above  mediocrity.  The  next  division  of  the 
Sixteenth  Corps  to  join  the  Vicksburg  army  was  Gen 
eral  Kimball's.  He  is  not  so  bad  a  commander  as  Lau- 
man,  but  he  is  bad  enough;  brave,  of  course,  but  lacking 
the  military  instinct  and  the  genius  of  generalship.  I 
don't  know  any  of  his  brigade  commanders.  The  third 
division  of  the  Sixteenth  Corps  now  near  Vicksburg  is 
that  of  General  W.  S.  Smith.  He  is  one  of  the  best 
officers  in  that  army.  A  rigid  disciplinarian,  his  division 
is  always  ready  and  always  safe.  A  man  of  brains,  a 
hard  worker,  unpretending,  quick,  suggestive,  he  may 
also  be  a  little  crotchety,  for  such  is  his  reputation;  but 
I  judge  that  he  only  needs  the  opportunity  to  render 
great  services.  What  his  brigade  commanders  are 
worth  I  can't  say,  but  I  am  sure  they  have  a  first-rate 
schoolmaster  in  him. 

I  now  come  to  the  Seventeenth  Corps  and  to  its 
most  prominent  division  general,  Logan.  This  is  a 
man  of  remarkable  qualities  and  peculiar  character. 
Heroic  and  brilliant,  he  is  sometimes  unsteady.  Inspir 
ing  his  men  with  his  own  enthusiasm  on  the  field  of 
battle,  he  is  splendid  in  all  its  crash  and  commotion^  but 
before  it  begins  he  is  doubtful  of  the  result,  and  after  it  is 
over  he  is  fearful  we  may  yet  be  beaten.  A  man  of 
instinct  and  not  of  reflection,  his  judgments  are  often 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

absurd,  but  his  extemporaneous  opinions  are  very  apt 
to  be  right.  Deficient  in  education,  he  is  full  of  gener 
ous  attachments  and  sincere  animosities.  On  the  whole, 
few  can  serve  the  cause  of  the  country  more  effectively 
than  he,  and  none  serve  it  more  faithfully. 

Logan's  oldest  brigade  commander  is  General  John 
D.  Stevenson,  of  Missouri.  He  is  a  person  of  much 
talent,  but  a  grumbler.  He  was  one  of  the  oldest 
colonels  in  the  volunteer  service,  but  because  he  had 
always  been  an  antislavery  man  all  the  others  were 
promoted  before  him.  This  is  still  one  of  his  grounds 
for  discontent,  and  in  addition  younger  brigadiers  have 
been  put  before  him  since.  Thus  the  world  will  not 
go  to  suit  him.  He  has  his  own  notions,  too,  of  what 
should  be  done  on  the  field  of  battle,  and  General  Mc- 
Pherson  has  twice  during  this  campaign  had  to  rebuke 
him  very  severely  for  his  failure  to  come  to  time  on 
critical  occasions. 

Logan's  second  brigade  is  commanded  by  General 
Leggett,  of  Ohio.  This  officer  has  distinguished  him 
self  during  the  siege,  and  will  be  likely  to  distinguish 
himself  hereafter.  He  possesses  a  clear  head,  an  equable 
temper,  and  great  propulsive  power  over  his  men.  He 
is  also  a  hard  worker,  and  whatever  he  touches  goes 
easily.  The  third  brigade  of  this  division  has  for  a  short 
time  been  commanded  by  Colonel  Force.  I  only  know 
that  Logan,  McPherson,  and  Grant  all  think  well  of 
him. 

Next  in  rank  among  McPherson's  division  generals 
is  McArthur.  He  has  been  in  the  reserve  throughout 
the  campaign,  and  has  had  little  opportunity  of  proving 
his  mettle.  He  is  a  shrewd,  steady  Scotchman,  trust 
worthy  rather  than  brilliant,  good  at  hard  knocks,  but 
not  a  great  commander.  Two  of  his  brigadiers,  how 
ever,  have  gained  very  honorable  distinction  in  this 
campaign,  namely  Crocker,  who  commanded  Quin- 
by's  division  at  Port  Gibson,  Raymond,  Jackson,  and 
Champion's  Hill,  and  Ransom.  Crocker  was  sick 
throughout,  and,  as  soon  as  Quinby  returned  to  his  com- 

68 


Some  Contemporary  Portraits. 

mand,  had  to  go  away,  and  it  is  feared  may  never  be 
able  to  come  back.  He  is  an  officer  of  great  promise 
and  remarkable  power.  Ransom  has  commanded  on 
McPherson's  right  during  the  siege,  and  has  exceeded 
every  other  brigadier  in  the  zeal,  intelligence,  and 
efficiency  with  which  his  siege  works  were  constructed 
and  pushed  forward.  At  the  time  of  the  surrender  his 
trenches  were  so  well  completed  that  the  engineers 
agreed  that  they  offered  the  best  opportunity  in  the 
whole  of  our  lines  for  the  advance  of  storming  columns. 
Captain  Comstock  told  me  that  ten  thousand  men 
could  there  be  marched  under  cover  up  to  the  very 
lines  of  the  enemy.  In  the  assault  of  May  22d,  Ransom 
was  equally  conspicuous  for  the  bravery  with  which  he 
exposed  himself.  No  young  man  in  all  this  army  has 
more  future  than  he. 

The  third  brigade  of  McArthur's  division,  that  of 
General  Reid,  has  been  detached  during  the  campaign 
at  Lake  Providence  and  elsewhere,  and  I  have  not  been 
able  to  make  General  R.'s  acquaintance. 

The  third  division  of  the  Seventeenth  Corps  was 
commanded  during  the  first  of  the  siege  by  General 
Quinby.  This  officer  was  also  sick,  and  I  dare  say  did 
not  do  justice  to  himself.  A  good  commander  of  a 
division  he  is  not,  though  he  is  a  most  excellent  and 
estimable  man,  and  seemed  to  be  regarded  by  the  sol 
diers  with  much  affection.  But  he  lacks  order,  system, 
command,  and  is  the  very  opposite  of  his  successor, 
General  John  E.  Smith,  who,  with  much  less  intellect 
than  Quinby,  has  a  great  deal  better  sense,  with  a  firm 
ness  of  character,  a  steadiness  of  hand,  and  a  freedom 
from  personal  irritability  and  jealousy  which  must  soon 
produce  the  happiest  effect  upon  the  division.  Smith 
combines  with  these  natural  qualities  of  a  soldier  and 
commander  a  conscientious  devotion  not  merely  to  the 
doing  but  also  to  the  learning  of  his  duty,  which  renders 
him  a  better  and  better  general  every  day.  He  is  also  fit 
to  be  intrusted  with  any  independent  command  where 
judgment  and  discretion  are  as  necessary  as  courage 

69 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

and  activity,  for  in  him  all  these  qualities  seem  to  be 
happily  blended  and  balanced. 

Of  General  Matthias,  who  commands  the  brigade 
in  this  division  so  long  and  so  gallantly  commanded 
by  the  late  Colonel  Boomer,  I  hear  the  best  accounts, 
but  do  not  know  him  personally.  The  medical  in 
spector  tells  me  that  no  camps  in  the  lines  are  kept  in 
so  good  condition  as  his;  and  General  Sherman,  under 
whom  he  lately  served,  speaks  of  him  as  a  very  valuable 
officer.  The  second  brigade  is  commanded  by  Colonel 
Sanborn,  a  steady,  mediocre  sort  of  man;  the  third  by 
Colonel  Holmes,  whom  I  don't  know  personally,  but 
who  made  a  noble  fight  at  Champion's  Hill,  and  saved 
our  center  there  from  being  broken. 

General  Herron's  division  is  the  newest  addition  to 
the  forces  under  Grant,  except  the  Ninth  Corps,  of 
which  I  know  nothing  except  that  its  discipline  and 
organization  exceed  those  of  the  Western  troops.  Her- 
ron  is  a  driving,  energetic  sort  of  young  fellow,  not 
deficient  either  in  self-esteem  or  in  common  sense,  and, 
as  I  judge,  hardly  destined  to  distinctions  higher  than 
those  he  has  already  acquired.  Of  his  two  brigadiers, 
Vandever  has  not  proved  himself  of  much  account  dur 
ing  the  siege;  Orme  I  have  seen,  but  do  not  know. 
Herron  has  shown  a  great  deal  more  both  of  capacity 
and  force  than  either  of  them.  But  he  has  not  the  first 
great  requisite  of  a  soldier,  obedience  to  orders,  and 
believes  too  much  in  doing  things  his  own  way.  Thus, 
for  ten  days  after  he  had  taken  his  position  he  disre 
garded  the  order  properly  to  picket  the  bottom  between 
the  bluff  and  the  river  on  his  left.  He  had  made  up 
his  own  mind  that  nobody  could  get  out  of  the  town  by 
that  way,  and  accordingly  neglected  to  have  the  place 
thoroughly  examined  in  order  to  render  the  matter 
clear  and  certain.  Presently  Grant  discovered  that  men 
from  the  town  were  making  their  escape  through  that 
bottom,  and  then  a  more  peremptory  command  to  Her 
ron  set  the  matter  right  by  the  establishment  of  the 
necessary  pickets. 

70 


Some  Contemporary  Portraits. 

I  must  not  omit  a  general  who  formerly  commanded 
a  brigade  in  Logan's  division,  and  has  for  some  time 
been  detached  to  a  separate  command  at  Milliken's 
Bend.  I  mean  General  Dennis.  He  is  a  hard-headed, 
hard-working,  conscientious  man,  who  never  knows 
when  he  is  beaten,  and  consequently  is  very  hard  to 
beat.  He  is  not  brilliant,  but  safe,  sound,  and  trust 
worthy.  His  predecessor  in  that  command,  General 
Sullivan,  has  for  some  time  been  at  Grant's  headquar 
ters,  doing  nothing  with  more  energy  and  effect  than  he 
would  be  likely  to  show  in  any  other  line  of  duty.  He 
is  a  gentlemanly  fellow,  intelligent,  a  charming  com 
panion,  but  heavy,  jovial,  and  lazy. 

I  might  write  another  letter  on  the  staff  officers  and 
staff  organization  of  Grant's  army,  should  you  desire  it. 

Yours  faithfully,  C.  A.  DANA. 

Mr.  STANTON. 

The  day  after  sending  to  Mr.  Stanton  this  letter  on 
the  generals  of  divisions  and  of  brigades  in  the  army 
which  besieged  Vicksburg,  I  wrote  him  another  on  the 
staff  officers  of  the  various  corps.  Like  its  predecessor, 
this  letter  has  never  appeared  in  the  records  of  the  war: 

CAIRO,  ILL.,  July  13,  1863. 

DEAR  SIR:  In  my  letter  of  yesterday  I  accidentally 
omitted  to  notice  General  C.  C.  Washburn  among  the 
generals  of  division  in  Grant's  army.  He  is  now  in 
command  of  two  of  the  divisions  detached  from  the 
Sixteenth  Army  Corps — namely,  that  of  Kimball  and 
that  of  W.  S.  Smith — and,  as  I  happen  to  know,  is 
anxious  to  be  put  in  command  of  an  army  corps,  for 
which  purpose  it  has  been  suggested  that  a  new  corps 
might  be  created  out  of  these  two  divisions,  with  the 
addition  of  that  of  Lauman,  also  detached  from  the  Six 
teenth,  or  that  of  Herron.  But  I  understand  from  Gen 
eral  Grant  that  he  is  not  favorable  to  any  such  arrange 
ment.  Washburn  being  one  of  the  very  youngest  in 

71 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

rank  of  his  major  generals,  he  intends  to  put  him  in 
command  of  a  single  division  as  soon  as  possible,  in 
order  that  he  may  prove  his  fitness  for  higher  com 
mands  by  actual  service,  and  give  no  occasion  for  older 
soldiers  to  complain  that  he  is  promoted  without  regard 
to  his  merits. 

I  know  Washburn  very  well,  both  as  a  politician  and 
a  military  man,  and  I  say  frankly  that  he  has  better 
qualities  for  the  latter  than  for  the  former  function.  He 
is  brave,  steady,  respectable;  receives  suggestions  and 
weighs  them  carefully;  is  not  above  being  advised,  but 
acts  with  independence  nevertheless.  His  judgment  is 
good,  and  his  vigilance  sufficient.  I  have  not  seen  him 
in  battle,  however,  and  can  not  say  how  far  he  holds 
his  mind  there.  I  don't  find  in  him,  I  am  sorry  to  say, 
that  effort  to  learn  the  military  art  which  every  com 
mander  ought  to  exhibit,  no  matter  whether  he  has  re 
ceived  a  military  education  or  not.  Washburn's  whole 
soul  is  not  put  into  the  business  of  arms,  and  for  me 
that  is  an  unpardonable  defect.  But  he  is  a  good  man, 
and  above  the  average  of  our  generals,  at  least  of  those 
in  Grant's  command. 

I  now  come  to  the  staff  organization  and  staff 
officers  of  this  army,  beginning,  of  course,  with  those 
connected  with  the  head  of  the  department.  Grant's 
staff  is  a  curious  mixture  of  good,  bad,  and  indifferent. 
As  he  is  neither  an  organizer  nor  a  disciplinarian  him 
self,  his  staff  is  naturally  a  mosaic  of  accidental  elements 
and  family  friends.  It  contains  four  working  men,  two 
who  are  able  to  accomplish  their  duties  without  much 
work,  and  several  who  either  don't  think  of  work,  or 
who  accomplish  nothing  no  matter  what  they  under 
take. 

Lieutenant-Colonel  Rawlins,  Grant's  assistant  ad 
jutant  general,  is  a  very  industrious,  conscientious  man, 
who  never  loses  a  moment,  and  never  gives  himself  any 
indulgence  except  swearing  and  scolding.  He  is  a 
lawyer  by  profession,  a  townsman  of  Grant's,  and  has  a 
great  influence  over  him,  especially  because  he  watches 

72 


Some  Contemporary  Portraits. 

him  day  and  night,  and  whenever  he  commits  the  folly 
of  tasting  liquor  hastens  to  remind  him  that  at  the  be 
ginning  of  the  war  he  gave  him  [Rawlins]  his  word  of 
honor  not  to  touch  a  drop  as  long  as  it  lasted.  Grant 
thinks  Rawlins  a  first-rate  adjutant,  but  I  think  this  is  a 
mistake.  He  is  too  slow,  and  can't  write  the  English 
language  correctly  without  a  great  deal  of  careful  con 
sideration.  Indeed,  illiterateness  is  a  general  charac 
teristic  of  Grant's  staff,  and  in  fact  of  Grant's  generals 
and  regimental  officers  of  all  ranks. 

Major  Bowers,  judge-advocate  of  Grant's  staff,  is 
an  excellent  man,  and  always  finds  work  to  do.  Lieu 
tenant-Colonel  Wilson,  inspector  general,  is  a  person 
of  similar  disposition.  He  is  a  captain  of  engineers  in 
the  regular  army,  and  has  rendered  valuable  services  in 
that  capacity.  The  fortifications  of  Haynes's  Bluff  were 
designed  by  him  and  executed  under  his  direction.  His 
leading  idea  is  the  idea  of  duty,  and  he  applies  it  vig 
orously  and  often  impatiently  to  others.  In  conse 
quence  he  is  unpopular  among  all  who  like  to  live 
with  little  work.  But  he  has  remarkable  talents  and 
uncommon  executive  power,  and  will  be  heard  from 
hereafter. 

The  quartermaster's  department  is  under  charge  of 
Lieutenant-Colonel  Bingham,  who  is  one  of  those  I 
spoke  of  as  accomplishing  much  with  little  work.  He 
is  an  invalid  almost,  and  I  have  never  seen  him  when  he 
appeared  to  be  perfectly  well;  but  he  is  a  man  of  first-rate 
abilities  and  solid  character,  and,  barring  physical  weak 
ness,  up  to  even  greater  responsibilities  than  those  he 
now  bears. 

The  chief  commissary,  Lieutenant-Colonel  Mac- 
feely,  is  a  jolly,  agreeable  fellow,  who  never  seems 
to  be  at  work,  but  I  have  heard  no  complaints  of  de 
ficiencies  in  his  department.  On  the  contrary,  it  seems 
to  be  one  of  the  most  efficacious  parts  of  this  great 
machine. 

Lieutenant-Colonel  Kent,  provost-marshal  general, 
is  a  very  industrious  and  sensible  man,  a  great  improve- 

73 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

ment  on  his  predecessor,  Colonel  Hillyer,  who  was  a 
family  and  personal  friend  of  Grant's. 

There  are  two  aides-de-camp  with  the  rank  of 

colonel,  namely,  Colonel and  Colonel  ,  both 

personal  friends  of  Grant's.  is  a  worthless, 

whisky-drinking,  useless  fellow.  is  decent  and 

gentlemanly,  but  neither  of  them  is  worth  his  salt  so 
far  as  service  to  the  Government  goes.  Indeed,  in  all 
my  observation,  I  have  never  discovered  the  use  of 
Grant's  aides-de-camp  at  all.  On  the  battlefield  he 
sometimes  sends  orders  by  them,  but  everywhere  else 
they  are  idle  loafers.  I  suppose  the  army  would  be 
better  off  if  they  were  all  suppressed,  especially  the 
colonels. 

Grant  has  three  aides  with  the  rank  of  captain.  Cap 
tain  is  a  relative  of  Mrs.  Grant.  He  has  been  a 

stage  driver,  and  violates  English  grammar  at  every 
phrase.  He  is  of  some  use,  for  he  attends  to  the  mails. 

Captain is  an  elegant  young  officer  of  the  regular 

cavalry.  He  rides  after  the  general  when  he  rides  out; 
the  rest  of  the  time  he  does  nothing  at  all.  Captain 
Badeau,  wounded  at  Port  Hudson  since  he  was  at 
tached  to  Grant's  staff,  has  not  yet  reported. 

I  must  not  omit  the  general  medical  staff  of  this 
army.  It  is  in  bad  order.  Its  head,  Dr.  Mills,  is  im 
practicable,  earnest,  quarrelsome.  He  was  relieved  sev 
eral  weeks  since,  but  Grant  likes  him,  and  kept  him  on 
till  the  fall  of  Vicksburg.  In  this  he  was  right,  no  doubt, 
for  a  change  during  the  siege  would  have  been  trouble 
some.  The  change,  I  presume,  will  now  be  made.  It 
must  be  for  the  better. 

The  office  of  chief  of  artillery  on  the  general  staff 
I  had  forgotten,  as  well  as  that  of  chief  engineer.  The 
former  is  occupied  by  Lieutenant-Colonel  Duff,  of  the 
Second  Illinois  Artillery.  He  is  unequal  to  the  position, 
not  only  because  he  is  disqualified  by  sickness,  but  be 
cause  he  does  not  sufficiently  understand  the  manage 
ment  of  artillery.  The  siege  suffered  greatly  from  his 
incompetence.  General  Grant  knows,  of  course,  that  he 

74 


Some  Contemporary  Portraits. 

is  not  the  right  person;  but  it  is  one  of  his  weaknesses 
that  he  is  unwilling  to  hurt  the  feelings  of  a  friend,  and 
so  he  keeps  him  on. 

The  chief  engineer,  Captain  Comstock,  is  an  officer 
of  great  merit.  He  has,  too,  what  his  predecessor,  Cap 
tain  Prime,  lacked,  a  talent  for  organization.  His  acces 
sion  to  the  army  will  be  the  source  of  much  improve 
ment. 

If  General  Grant  had  about  him  a  staff  of  thor 
oughly  competent  men,  disciplinarians  and  workers,  the 
efficiency  and  righting  quality  of  his  army  would  soon 
be  much  increased.  As  it  is,  things  go  too  much  by 
hazard  and  by  spasms;  or,  when  the  pinch  comes,  Grant 
forces  through,  by  his  own  energy  and  main  strength, 
what  proper  organization  and  proper  staff  officers 
would  have  done  already. 

The  staff  of  the  Thirteenth  Corps  was  formed  by 
General  McClernand.  The  acting  adjutant  general, 
Lieutenant-Colonel  Scates,  is  a  man  of  about  fifty-five 
or  sixty  years  old;  he  was  a  judge  in  Illinois,  and  left  an 
honored  and  influential  social  position  to  serve  in  the 
army.  General  Ord  speaks  in  high  terms  of  him  as  an 

officer.  The  chief  of  artillery,  Colonel ,  is  an  ass. 

The  chief  quartermaster,  Lieutenant-Colonel  , 

General  McClernand's  father-in-law,  lately  resigned  his 
commission.  He  was  incompetent.  .  .  .  His  successor 
has  not  yet  been  appointed.  The  chief  commissary, 

Lieutenant-Colonel  ,  is  a  fussy  fellow,  who  with 

much  show  accomplishes  but  little.  General  McCler 
nand's  aides  went  away  with  him  or  are  absent  on 
leave.  Not  a  man  of  them  is  worth  having.  The  en 
gineer  on  his  staff,  Lieutenant  Hains,  is  an  industrious 
and  useful  officer.  The  medical  director,  Dr.  Ham 
mond,  had  just  been  appointed. 

In  the  Fifteenth  Corps  staff  all  have  to  be  working 
men,  for  Sherman  tolerates  no  idlers  and  finds  some 
thing  for  everybody  to  do.  If  an  officer  proves  unfit 
for  his  position,  he  shifts  him  to  some  other  place. 
Thus  his  adjutant,  Lieutenant-Colonel  Hammond,  a 

75 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

restless  Kentuckian,  kept  everything  in  a  row  as  long  as 
he  remained  in  that  office.  Sherman  has  accordingly 
made  him  inspector  general,  and  during  the  last  two 
months  has  kept  him  constantly  employed  on  scouting 
parties.  In  his  place  as  adjutant  is  Captain  Sawyer,  a 
quiet,  industrious,  efficient  person.  The  chief  of  artil 
lery,  Major  Taylor,  directed  by  Sherman's  omnipresent 
eye  and  quick  judgment,  is  an  officer  of  great  value, 
though  under  another  general  he  might  not  be  worth 
so  much.  The  chief  engineer,  Captain  Pitzman, 
wounded  about  July  I5th,  is  a  man  of  merit,  and  his 
departure  was  a  great  loss  to  the  regular  ranks.  General 
Sherman  has  three  aides-de-camp,  Captain  McCoy, 
Captain  Dayton,  and  Lieutenant  Hill,  and,  as  I  have 
said,  neither  of  them  holds  a  sinecure  office.  His  medi 
cal  director,  Dr.  McMillan,  is  a  good  physician,  I  be 
lieve;  he  has  been  in  a  constant  contention  with  Dr. 
Mills.  The  quartermaster,  Lieutenant-Colonel  J.  C. 
Smith,  is  a  most  efficient  officer;  he  has  been  doing  duty 
as  commissary  also. 

On  the  whole,  General  Sherman  has  a  very  small 
and  very  efficient  staff;  but  the  efficiency  comes  mainly 
from  him.  What  a  splendid  soldier  he  is! 

The  staff  of  the  Seventeenth  Army  Corps  is  the 
most  complete,  the  most  numerous,  and  in  some  re 
spects  the  most  serviceable  in  this  army. 

The  adjutant  general,  Lieutenant-Colonel  Clark,  is 
a  person  of  uncommon  quickness,  is  always  at  work,  and 
keeps  everything  in  his  department  in  first-rate  order. 
The  inspector  general,  Lieutenant-Colonel  Strong,  does 
his  duties  with  promptness  and  thoroughness;  his  re 
ports  are  models.  The  chief  of  artillery,  Lieutenant- 
Colonel  Powell,  thoroughly  understands  his  business, 
and  attends  to  it  diligently.  The  provost-marshal  gen 
eral,  Lieutenant-Colonel  Wilson,  is  a  judicious  and  in 
dustrious  man.  Both  the  quartermaster  and  commis 
sary  are  new  men,  captains,  and  I  do  not  know  them, 
but  McPherson  speaks  highly  of  them.  The  medical 
director,  Dr.  Boucher,  has  the  reputation  of  keeping  his 


Some  Contemporary  Portraits. 

hospitals  in  better  order  and  making  his  reports  more 
promptly  and  satisfactorily  than  any  other  medical 
officer  in  this  army.  General  McPherson  has  four  aides- 
de-camp:  Captain  Steele,  Captain  Gile,  Lieutenant 
Knox,  and  Lieutenant  Vernay.  The  last  of  these  is 
the  best,  and  Captain  Steele  is  next  to  him.  The  en 
gineer  officer,  Captain  Hickenlooper,  is  a  laborious 
man,  quick,  watchful,  but  not  of  great  capacity.  The 
picket  officer,  Major  Willard,whom  I  accidentally  name 
last,  is  a  person  of  unusual  merit. 

In  the  staffs  of  the  division  and  brigadier  generals 
I  do  not  now  recall  any  officer  of  extraordinary  capacity. 
There  may  be  such,  but  I  have  not  made  their  acquaint 
ance.  On  the  other  hand,  I  have  made  the  acquaint 
ance  of  some  who  seemed  quite  unfit  for  their  places. 
I  must  not  omit,  however,  to  speak  here  of  Captain 
Tresilian,  engineer  on  the  staff  of  Major-General 
Logan.  His  general  services  during  the  siege  were  not 
conspicuous,  but  he  deserves  great  credit  for  construct 
ing  the  wooden  mortars  which  General  McPherson 
used  near  its  close  with  most  remarkable  effect.  Both 
the  idea  and  the  work  were  Tresilian's. 

Very  possibly  you  may  not  wish  to  go  through  this 
mass  of  details  respecting  so  many  officers  of  inferior 
grades,  upon  whose  claims  you  may  never  be  called  to 
pass  judgment.  But  if  you  care  to  read  them  here  they 
are.  I  remain,  dear  sir, 

Yours  very  faithfully,  C.  A.  DANA. 

Mr.  STANTON. 


77 


CHAPTER  VI. 

THE  SIEGE   OF  VICKSBURG. 

Life  behind  Vicksburg — Grant's  efforts  to  procure  reinforcements — 
The  fruitless  appeal  to  General  Banks — Mr.  Stanton  responds  to 
Mr.  Dana's  representations — A  steamboat  trip  with  Grant — Watch 
ing  Joe  Johnston — Visits  to  Sherman  and  Admiral  Porter — The 
negro  troops  win  glory — Progress  and  incidents  of  the  siege — 
Vicksburg  wakes  up — McClernand's  removal. 

WE  had  not  been  many  days  in  the  rear  of  Vicks 
burg  before  we  settled  into  regular  habits.  The  men 
were  detailed  in  reliefs  for  work  in  the  trenches,  and  be 
ing  relieved  at  fixed  hours  everybody  seemed  to  lead  a 
systematic  life. 

My  chief  duty  throughout  the  siege  was  a  daily 
round  through  the  trenches,  generally  with  the  corps 
commander  or  some  one  of  his  staff.  As  the  lines  of 
investment  were  six  or  seven  miles  long,  it  occupied  the 
greater  part  of  my  day;  sometimes  I  made  a  portion 
of  my  tour  of  inspection  in  the  night.  One  night  in 
riding  through  the  trenches  I  must  have  passed  twenty 
thousand  men  asleep  on  their  guns.  I  still  can  see  the 
grotesque  positions  into  which  they  had  curled  them 
selves.  The  trenches  were  so  protected  that  there  was 
no  danger  in  riding  through  them.  It  was  not  so  safe 
to  venture  on  the  hills  overlooking  Vicksburg.  I  went 
on  foot  and  alone  one  day  to  the  top  of  a  hill,  and  was 

78 


The  Siege  o 

looking  at  the  town,  when  I  suddenly  heard  something 
go  whizz,  whizz,  by  my  ear.  "  What  in  the  world  is 
that?  "  I  asked  myself.  The  place  was  so  desolate  that 
it  was  an  instant  before  I  could  believe  that  these  were 
bullets  intended  for  me.  When  I  did  realize  it,  I  imme 
diately  started  to  lie  down.  Then  came  the  question, 
which  was  the  best  way  to  lie  down.  If  I  lay  at  right 
angles  to  the  enemy's  line  the  bullets  from  the  right  and 
left  might  strike  me;  if  I  lay  parallel  to  it  then  those 
directly  from  the  front  might  hit  me.  So  I  concluded  it 
made  no  difference  which  way  I  lay.  After  remaining 
quiet  for  a  time  the  bullets  ceased,  and  I  left  the  hill-top. 
I  was  more  cautious  in  the  future  in  venturing  beyond 
cover. 

Through  the  entire  siege  I  lived  in  General  Grant's 
headquarters,  which  were  on  a  high  bluff  northeast  of 
Sherman's  extreme  left.  I  had  a  tent  to  myself,  and 
on  the  whole  was  very  comfortable.  We  never  lacked 
an  abundance  of  provisions.  There  was  good  water, 
enough  even  for  the  bath,  and  we  suffered  very  little 
from  excessive  heat.  The  only  serious  annoyance  was 
the  cannonade  from  our  whole  line,  which  from  the 
first  of  June  went  on  steadily  by  night  as  well  as  by  day. 
The  following  bit  from  a  letter  I  wrote  on  June  2d,  to 
my  little  daughter,  tells  something  of  my  situation: 

It  is  real  summer  weather  here,  and,  after  coming 
in  at  noon  to-day  from  my  usual  ride  through  the 
trenches,  I  was  very  glad  to  get  a  cold  bath  in  my  tent 
before  dinner.  I  like  living  in  tents  very  well,  especially 
if  you  ride  on  horseback  all  day.  Every  night  I  sleep 
with  one  side  of  the  tent  wide  open  and  the  walls  put 

79 


Recollections  of  the  Civil 

up  all  around  to  get  plenty  of  air.  Sometimes  I  wake 
up  in  the  night  and  think  it  is  raining,  the  wind  roars 
so  in  the  tops  of  the  great  oak  forest  on  the  hillside 
where  we  are  encamped,  and  I  think  it  is  thundering 
till  I  look  out  and  see  the  golden  moonlight  in  all  its 
glory,  and  listen  again  and  know  that  it  is  only  the 
thunder  of  General  Sherman's  great  guns,  that  neither 
rest  nor  let  others  rest  by  night  or  by  day. 

We  were  no  sooner  in  position  behind  Vicksburg 
than  Grant  saw  that  he  must  have  reinforcements.  Joe 
Johnston  was  hovering  near,  working  with  energy  to 
collect  forces  sufficient  to  warrant  an  attempt  to  relieve 
Vicksburg.  The  Confederates  were  also  known  to  be 
reorganizing  at  Jackson.  Johnston  eventually  gathered 
an  army  behind  Grant  of  about  twenty-five  thousand 
men. 

Under  these  threatening  circumstances  it  was  neces 
sary  to  keep  a  certain  number  of  troops  in  our  rear, 
more  than  Grant  could  well  spare  from  the  siege,  and 
he  therefore  made  every  effort  to  secure  reinforcements. 
He  ordered  down  from  Tennessee,  and  elsewhere  in  his 
own  department,  all  available  forces.  He  also  sent  to 
General  Banks,  who  was  then  besieging  Port  Hudson, 
a  request  to  bring  his  forces  up  as  promptly  as  prac 
ticable,  and  assuring  him  that  he  (Grant)  would  gladly 
serve  under  him  as  his  senior  in  rank,  or  simply  co 
operate  with  him  for  the  benefit  of  the  common  cause, 
if  Banks  preferred  that  arrangement.  To  Halleck,  on 
May  29th,  he  telegraphed:  "  If  Banks  does  not  come  to 
my  assistance  I  must  be  reinforced  from  elsewhere.  I 
will  avoid  a  surprise,  and  do  the  best  I  can  with  the 
means  at  hand."  This  was  about  the  extent  of  Grant's 

80 


Stege  of  Vicksburg. 

personal  appeals  to  his  superiors  for  additional  forces. 
No  doubt,  however,  he  left  a  good  deal  to  my  repre 
sentations. 

As  no  reply  came  from  Banks,  I  started  myself  on 
the  30th  for  Port  Hudson  at  Grant's  desire,  to  urge 
that  the  reinforcements  be  furnished. 

The  route  used  for  getting  out  from  the  rear  of 
Vicksburg  at  that  time  was  through  the  Chickasaw 
Bayou  into  the  Yazoo  and  thence  into  the  Mississippi. 
From  the  mouth  of  the  Yazoo  I  crossed  the  Mississippi 
to  Young's  Point,  and  from  there  went  overland  across 
the  peninsula  to  get  a  gunboat  at  a  point  south  of 
Vicksburg.  As  we  were  going  down  the  river  we  met 
a  steamer  just  above  Grand  Gulf  bearing  one  of  the 
previous  messengers  whom  Grant  had  sent  to  Banks. 
He  was  bringing  word  that  Banks  could  send  no  forces; 
on  the  other  hand,  he  asked  reinforcements  from  Grant 
to  aid  in  his  siege  of  Port  Hudson,  which  he  had  closely 
invested.  This  news,  of  course,  made  my  trip  unneces 
sary,  and  I  returned  at  once  to  headquarters,  having 
been  gone  not  over  twenty-four  hours. 

As  soon  as  this  news  came  from  Banks,  I  sent  an 
urgent  appeal  to  Mr.  Stanton  to  hurry  reinforcements 
sufficient  to  make  success  beyond  all  peradventure. 
The  Government  was  not  slow  to  appreciate  Grant's 
needs  or  the  great  opportunity  he  had  created.  Early 
in  June  I  received  the  following  dispatch  from  Mr. 
Stanton: 

WAR  DEPARTMENT,  June  3,  1863. 

Your  telegrams  up  to  the  3Oth  have  been  received. 
Everything  in  the  power  of  this  Government  will  be 
7  81 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

put  forth  to  aid  General  Grant.  The  emergency  is  not 
underrated  here.  Your  telegrams  are  a  great  obliga 
tion,  and  are  looked  for  with  deep  interest.  I  can  not 
thank  you  as  much  as  I  feel  for  the  service  you  are  now 
rendering.  You  have  been  appointed  an  assistant  ad 
jutant  general,  with  rank  of  major,  with  liberty  to  re 
port  to  General  Grant  if  he  needs  you.  The  appoint 
ment  may  be  a  protection  to  you.  I  shall  expect  daily 
reports  if  possible.  EDWIN  M.  STANTON, 

Secretary  of  War. 
C.  A.  DANA,  Esq., 
Grant's  Headquarters  near  Vicksburg. 

My  appointment  as  assistant  adjutant  general  was 
Stanton's  own  idea.  He  was  by  nature  a  very  anxious 
man.  When  he  perceived  from  my  dispatches  that  I 
was  going  every  day  on  expeditions  into  dangerous  ter 
ritory,  he  became  alarmed  lest  I  might  be  caught  by  the 
Confederates;  for  as  I  was  a  private  citizen  it  would 
have  been  difficult  to  exchange  me.  If  I  were  in  the 
regular  volunteer  service  as  an  assistant  adjutant  gen 
eral,  however,  there  would  be  no  trouble  about  an  ex 
change,  hence  my  appointment. 

The  chief  variations  from  my  business  of  watching 
the  siege  behind  Vicksburg  were  these  trips  I  made  to 
inspect  the  operations  against  the  enemy,  who  was  now 
trying  to  shut  us  in  from  the  rear  beyond  the  Big  Black. 
His  heaviest  force  was  to  the  northeast.  On  June  6th 
the  reports  from  Satartia,  our  advance  up  the  Yazoo, 
were  so  unsatisfactory  that  Grant  decided  to  examine 
the  situation  there  himself.  That  morning  he  said  to 
me  at  breakfast: 

"  Mr.  Dana,  I  am  going  to  Satartia  to-day;  would 
you  like  to  go  along?  " 

82 


The  Siege  of  Ficksburg. 

I  said  I  would,  and  we  were  soon  on  horseback, 
riding  with  a  cavalry  guard  to  Haynes's  Bluff,  where  we 
took  a  small  steamer  reserved  for  Grant's  use  and  carry- 
ing  his  flag.  Grant  was  ill  and  went  to  bed  soon  after 
he  started.  We  had  gone  up  the  river  to  within  two 
miles  of  Satartia,  when  we  met  two  gunboats  coming 
down.  Seeing  the  general's  flag,  the  officers  in  charge 
of  the  gunboats  came  aboard  our  steamer  and  asked 
where  the  general  was  going.  I  told  them  to  Satartia. 

"  Why,"  said  they,  "  it  will  not  be  safe.  Kimball 
[our  advance  was  under  the  charge  of  Brigadier-Gen 
eral  Nathan  Kimball,  Third  Division,  Sixteenth  Army 
Corps]  has  retreated  from  there,  and  is  sending  all  his 
supplies  to  Haynes's  Bluff.  The  enemy  is  probably  in 
the  town  now." 

I  told  them  Grant  was  sick  and  asleep,  and  that  I 
did  not  want  to  waken  him.  They  insisted  that  it  was 
unsafe  to  go  on,  and  that  I  would  better  call  the  gen 
eral  Finally  I  did  so,  but  he  was  too  sick  to  decide. 

"  I  will  leave  it  with  you,"  he  said.  I  immediately 
said  we  would  go  back  to  Haynes's  Bluff,  which  we  did. 

The  next  morning  Grant  came  out  to  breakfast  fresh 
as  a  rose,  clean  shirt  and  all,  quite  himself.  "  Well,  Mr. 
Dana,"  he  said,  "  I  suppose  we  are  at  Satartia  now." 

"  No,  general,"  I  said,  "  we  are  at  Haynes's  Bluff." 
And  I  told  him  what  had  happened. 

He  did  not  complain,  but  as  he  was  short  of  officers 
at  that  point  he  asked  me  to  go  with  a  party  of  cavalry 
toward  Mechanicsburg  to  find  if  it  were  true,  as  re 
ported,  that  Joe  Johnston  was  advancing  from  Canton 
to  the  Big  Black.  We  had  a  hard  ride,  not  getting  back 

83 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

to  Vicksburg  until  the  morning  of  the  eighth.  The 
country  was  like  all  the  rest  around  Vicksburg,  broken, 
wooded,  unpopulous,  with  bad  roads  and  few  streams. 
It  still  had  many  cattle,  but  the  corn  was  pretty  thor 
oughly  cleared  out.  We  found  that  Johnston  had  not 
moved  his  main  force  as  rumored,  and  that  he  could  not 
move  it  without  bringing  all  his  supplies  with  him. 

Throughout  the  siege  an  attack  from  Johnston  con 
tinued  to  threaten  Grant  and  to  keep  a  part  of  our  army 
busy.  Almost  every  one  of  my  dispatches  to  Mr.  Stan- 
ton  contained  rumors  of  the  movements  of  the  Con 
federates,  and  the  information  was  so  uncertain  that 
often  what  I  reported  one  day  had  to  be  contradicted 
the  next.  About  the  I5th  of  June  the  movements  of 
the  enemy  were  so  threatening  that  Grant  issued  an 
order  extending  Sherman's  command  so  as  to  include 
Haynes's  Bluff,  and  to  send  there  the  two  divisions  of 
the  Ninth  Corps  under  General  Parke.  These  troops 
had  just  arrived  from  Kentucky,  and  Grant  had  intended 
to  place  them  on  the  extreme  left  of  our  besieging  line. 

Although  our  spies  brought  in  daily  reports  of  forces 
of  the  enemy  at  different  points  between  Yazoo  City 
and  Jackson,  Johnston's  plan  did  not  develop  oppor 
tunity  until  the  22d,  when  he  was  said  to  be  crossing 
the  Big  Black  north  of  Bridgeport.  Sherman  imme 
diately  started  to  meet  him  with  about  thirty  thou 
sand  troops,  including  cavalry.  Five  brigades  more 
were  held  in  readiness  to  reinforce  him  if  necessary. 
The  country  was  scoured  by  Sherman  in  efforts  to  beat 
Johnston,  but  no  trace  of  an  enemy  was  found.  It  was, 
however,  ascertained  that  he  had  not  advanced,  but  was 

84 


Siege  of  Vicksburg. 

still  near  Canton.  As  there  was  no  design  to  attack 
Johnston  until  Vicksburg  was  laid  low,  Sherman  made 
his  way  to  Bear  Creek,  northwest  of  Canton,  where  he 
could  watch  the  Confederates,  and  there  went  into 
camp. 

I  went  up  there  several  times  to  visit  him,  and  always 
came  away  enthusiastic  over  his  qualities  as  a  soldier. 
His  amazing  activity  and  vigilance  pervaded  his  entire 
force.  The  country  where  he  had  encamped  was  ex 
ceedingly  favorable  for  defense.  He  had  occupied  the 
commanding  points,  opened  rifle-pits  wherever  they 
would  add  to  his  advantage,  obstructed  the  cross-roads 
and  most  of  the  direct  roads  also,  and  ascertained  every 
point  where  the  Big  Black  could  be  forded  between  the 
line  of  Benton  on  the  north  and  the  line  of  railroads 
on  the  south.  By  his  rapid  movements,  also,  and  by 
widely  deploying  on  all  the  ridges  and  open  headlands, 
Sherman  produced  the  impression  that  his  forces  were 
ten  times  as  numerous  as  they  really  were.  Sherman 
remained  in  his  camp  on  Bear  Creek  through  the  rest  of 
the  siege,  in  order  to  prevent  any  possible  attack  by  Joe 
Johnston,  the  reports  about  whose  movements  con 
tinued  to  be  contradictory  and  uncertain. 

Another  variation  in  my  Vicksburg  life  was  visiting 
Admiral  Porter,  who  commanded  the  fleet  which 
hemmed  in  the  city  on  the  river-side.  Porter  was  a  very 
active,  courageous,  fresh-minded  man,  and  an  experi 
enced  naval  officer,  and  I  enjoyed  the  visits  I  made  to 
his  fleet.  His  boats  were  pretty  well  scattered,  for  the 
Confederates  west  of  the  Mississippi  were  pressing  in, 
and  unless  watched  might  manage  to  cross  somewhere. 

85 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

Seven  of  the  gunboats  were  south  of  Vicksburg,  one  at 
Haynes's  Bluff,  one  was  at  Chickasaw  Bayou,  one  at 
Young's  Point,  one  at  Milliken's  Bend,  one  at  Lake 
Providence,  one  at  Greenell,  one  at  Island  Sixty-five, 
two  were  at  White  River,  and  so  on,  and  several  were 
always  in  motion.  They  guarded  the  river  so  com 
pletely  that  no  hostile  movement  from  the  west  ever 
succeeded,  or  was  likely  to  do  so. 

The  most  serious  attack  from  the  west  during  the 
siege  was  that  on  June  7th,  when  a  force  of  some  two 
thousand  Confederates  engaged  about  a  thousand 
negro  troops  defending  Milliken's  Bend.  This  engage 
ment  at  Milliken's  Bend  became  famous  from  the  con 
duct  of  the  colored  troops.  General  E.  S.  Dennis,  who 
saw  the  battle,  told  me  that  it  was  the  hardest  fought 
engagement  he  had  ever  seen.  It  was  fought  mainly 
hand  to  hand.  After  it  was  over  many  men  were  found 
dead  with  bayonet  stabs,  and  others  with  their  skulls 
broken  open  by  butts  of  muskets.  "  It  is  impossible," 
said  General  Dennis,  "  for  men  to  show  greater  gal 
lantry  than  the  negro  troops  in  that  fight." 

The  bravery  of  the  blacks  in  the  battle  at  Milliken's 
Bend  completely  revolutionized  the  sentiment  of  the 
army  with  regard  to  the  employment  of  negro  troops. 
I  heard  prominent  officers  who  formerly  in  private  had 
sneered  at  the  idea  of  the  negroes  fighting  express 
themselves  after  that  as  heartily  in  favor  of  it.  Amorg 
the  Confederates,  however,  the  feeling  was  very  dif 
ferent.  All  the  reports  which  came  to  us  showed  that 
both  citizens  and  soldiers  on  the  Confederate  side  mani 
fested  great  dismay  at  the  idea  of  our  arming  negroes. 

86 


The  Siege  of  Vicksburg. 

They  said  that  such  a  policy  was  certain  to  be  followed 
by  insurrection  with  all  its  horrors. 

Although  the  presence  of  Joe  Johnston  on  the  east, 
and  the  rumors  of  invasion  by  Kirby  Smith  from  the 
west,  compelled  constant  attention,  the  real  work  be 
hind  Vicksburg  was  always  that  of  the  siege.  No 
amount  of  outside  alarm  loosened  Grant's  hold  on  the 
rebel  stronghold.  The  siege  went  on  steadily  and 
effectively.  By  June  loth  the  expected  reinforcements 
began  to  report.  Grant  soon  had  eighty-five  thousand 
men  around  Vicksburg,  and  Pemberton's  last  hope  was 
gone.  The  first  troops  to  arrive  were  eight  regiments 
under  General  Herron.  They  came  from  Missouri, 
down  the  Mississippi  to  Young's  Point,  where  they  were 
debarked  and  marched  across  the  peninsula,  care  being 
taken,  of  course,  that  the  Confederate  garrison  at  Vicks 
burg  should  see  the  whole  march.  The  troops  were 
then  ferried  across  the  Mississippi,  and  took  a  position 
south  of  Vicksburg  between  Lauman's  troops  and  the 
Mississippi  River,  completely  closing  the  lines,  and  thus 
finally  rendering  egress  and  ingress  absolutely  impos 
sible.  Herron  took  this  position  on  June  I3th.  He 
went  to  work  with  so  much  energy  that  on  the  night 
of  the  1 5th  he  was  able  to  throw  forward  his  lines  on 
his  left,  making  an  advance  of  five  hundred  yards,  and 
bringing  his  artillery  and  rifle-pits  within  two  or  three 
hundred  yards  of  the  enemy's  lines. 

Herron  was  a  first-rate  officer,  and  the  only  consum 
mate  dandy  I  ever  saw  in  the  army.  He  was  always 
handsomely  dressed;  I  believe  he  never  went  out  with 
out  patent-leather  boots  on,  and  you  would  see  him  in 

87 


Recollections  of  the  Civil 

the  middle  of  a  battle — well,  I  can  not  say  exactly  that 
he  went  into  battle  with  a  lace  pocket-handkerchief,  but 
at  all  events  he  always  displayed  a  clean  white  one.  But 
these  little  vanities  appeared  not  to  detract  from  his 
usefulness.  Herron  had  already  proved  his  ability  and 
fighting  qualities  at  the  battle  of  Prairie  Grove,  Decem 
ber  7,  1862. 

Just  as  our  reinforcements  arrived  we  began  to  re 
ceive  encouraging  reports  from  within  Vicksburg.  De 
serters  said  that  the  garrison  was  worn  out  and  hungry; 
besides,  the  defense  had  for  several  days  been  conducted 
with  extraordinary  feebleness,  which  Grant  thought  was 
due  to  the  deficiency  of  ammunition  or  to  exhaustion 
and  depression  in  the  garrison,  or  to  their  retirement 
to  an  inner  line  of  defense.  The  first  and  third  of  these 
causes  no  doubt  operated  to  some  extent,  but  the  sec 
ond  we  supposed  to  be  the  most  influential.  The  de 
serters  also  said  that  fully  one  third  of  the  garrison  were 
in  hospital,  and  that  officers,  as  well  as  men,  had  begun 
to  despair  of  relief  from  Johnston. 

These  reports  from  within  the  town,  as  well  as  the 
progress  of  the  siege  and  the  arrival  of  reinforcements, 
pointed  so  strongly  to  the  speedy  surrender  of  the  place 
that  I  asked  Mr.  Stanton  in  my  dispatch  of  June  I4th 
to  please  inform  me  by  telegram  whether  he  wished  me 
to  go  to  General  Rosecrans  after  the  fall  of  Vicksburg 
or  whether  he  had  other  orders  for  me. 

The  next  day  after  this  letter,  however,  the  enemy 
laid  aside  his  long-standing  inactivity  and  opened  vio 
lently  with  both  artillery  and  musketry.  Two  mortars 
which  the  Confederates  got  into  operation  that  day  in 

88 


The  Siege  of  Vicksburg. 

front  of  General  A.  J.  Smith  particularly  interested  our 
generals.  I  remember  going  with  a  party  of  some 
twenty  officers,  including  Sherman,  Ord,  McPherson, 
and  Wilson,  to  the  brow  of  a  hill  on  McPherson's  front 
to  watch  this  battery  with  our  field  glasses.  From 
where  we  were  we  could  study  the  whole  operation. 
We  saw  the  shell  start  from  the  mortar,  sail  slowly 
through  the  air  toward  us,  fall  to  the  ground  and  ex 
plode,  digging  out  a  hole  which  looked  like  a  crater.  I 
remember  one  of  these  craters  which  must  have  been 
nine  feet  in  diameter.  As  you  watched  a  shell  coming 
you  could  not  tell  whether  it  would  fall  a  thousand  feet 
away  or  by  your  side.  Yet  nobody  budged.  The  men 
sat  there  on  their  horses,  their  reins  loose,  studying  and 
discussing  the  work  of  the  batteries,  apparently  indif 
ferent  to  the  danger.  It  was  very  interesting  as  a  study 
of  human  steadiness. 

By  the  middle  of  June  our  lines  were  so  near  the 
enemy's  on  Sherman's  and  McPherson's  front  that 
General  Grant  began  to  consider  the  project  of  another 
general  assault  as  soon  as  McClernand's,  Lauman's,  and 
Herron's  lines  were  brought  up  close.  Accordingly, 
Sherman  and  McPherson  were  directed  to  hold  their 
\vork  until  the  others  were  up  to  them.  Herron,  of 
course,  had  not  had  time  to  advance,  though  since  his 
arrival  he  had  worked  with  great  energy.  Lauman  had 
done  little  in  the  way  of  regular  approaches.  But  the 
chief  difficulty  in  the  way  was  the  backwardness  of  Mc- 
Clernand.  His  trenches  were  mere  rifle-pits,  three  or 
four  feet  wide,  and  would  allow  neither  the  passage  of 
artillery  nor  the  assemblage  of  any  considerable  number 

89 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

of  troops.  His  batteries  were,  with  scarcely  an  excep 
tion,  in  the  position  they  apparently  had  held  when  the 
siege  was  opened. 

This  obstacle  to  success  was  soon  removed.  On  the 
1 8th  of  June  McClernand  was  relieved  and  General  Ord 
was  put  into  his  place.  The  immediate  occasion  of  Mc- 
Clernand's  removal  was  a  congratulatory  address  to  the 
Thirteenth  Corps  which  he  had  fulminated  in  May, 
and  which  first  reached  the  besieging  army  in  a  copy 
of  the  Missouri  Democrat.  In  this  extraordinary  ad 
dress  McClernand  claimed  for  himself  most  of  the  glory 
of  the  campaign,  reaffirmed  that  on  May  22d  he  had 
held  two  rebel  forts  for  several  hours,  and  imputed  to 
other  officers  and  troops  failure  to  support  him  in  their 
possession,  which  must  have  resulted  in  the  capture  of 
the  town,  etc.  Though  this  congratulatory  address  was 
the  occasion  of  McClernand's  removal,  the  real  causes 
of  it  dated  farther  back.  These  causes,  as  I  understood 
at  the  time,  were  his  repeated  disobedience  of  important 
orders,  his  general  unfortunate  mental  disposition,  and 
his  palpable  incompetence  for  the  duties  of  his  position. 
I  learned  in  private  conversation  that  in  General  Grant's 
judgment  it  was  necessary  that  McClernand  should  be 
removed  for  the  reason,  above  all,  that  his  bad  relations 
with  other  corps  commanders,  especially  Sherman  and 
McPherson,  rendered  it  impossible  that  the  chief  com 
mand  of  the  army  should  devolve  upon  him,  as  it  would 
have  done  were  General  Grant  disabled,  without  some 
pernicious  consequence  to  the  Union  cause. 


90 


CHAPTER  VII. 
PEMBERTON'S  SURRENDER. 

The  artillery  assault  of  June  20 — McPherson  springs  a  mine — Grant 
decides  to  storm  the  city — Pemberton  asks  for  an  interview  and 
terms — The  "unconditional  surrender"  note — At  the  meeting  of 
Grant  and  Pemberton  between  the  lines — The  ride  into  Vicksburg 
and  the  Fourth  of  July  celebration  there. 

Two  days  after  McClernand's  removal  General 
Grant  attempted  to  settle  the  question  whether  he 
should  make  a  further  attempt  to  storm  Vicksburg  or 
leave  its  reduction  to  the  regular  progress  of  siege  op 
erations.  To  test  what  an  assault  would  do,  he  began, 
at  four  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  June  2Oth,  an  artil 
lery  attack,  in  which  about  two  hundred  cannon  were 
engaged.  During  the  attack  no  Confederates  were 
visible,  nor  was  any  reply  made  to  our  artillery.  Their 
musketry  fire  also  amounted  to  nothing.  Of  course, 
some  damage  was  done  to  the  buildings  of  the  town  by 
our  concentrated  cannonade,  but  we  could  not  tell 
whether  their  mills,  foundry,  or  storehouses  were  de 
stroyed.  Their  rifle-pits  and  defenses  were  little  in 
jured.  At  ten  o'clock  the  cannonade  ceased.  It  was 
evident  that  the  probabilities  of  immediate  success  by 
assault  would  not  compensate  for  the  sacrifices. 

After  the  artillery  attack  on  the  2Oth,  the  next  ex 
citing  incident  of  the  siege  was  the  springing  of  a 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

mine  by  McPherson.  Directly  in  front  of  his  position 
the  enemy  had  a  great  fort  which  was  regarded  as  the 
key  of  their  line.  As  soon  as  McPherson  had  got  into 
position  behind  Vicksburg  he  had  begun  to  run  trenches 
toward  this  fort,  under  which  he  subsequently  tunneled, 
hoping  that  by  an  explosion  he  would  open  it  to  our 
occupation.  The  mine  was  sprung  about  four  o'clock 
on  the  afternoon  of  June  25th.  It  was  charged  with 
twelve  hundred  pounds  of  powder.  The  explosion  was 
terrific,  forming  a  crater  fully  thirty-five  feet  in  diame 
ter,  but  it  did  not  open  the  fort.  There  still  remained 
between  the  new  ground  which  we  had  gained  by  the 
explosion  and  the  main  works  of  the  fort  an  ascent  so 
steep  that  an  assault  was  practically  impossible.  The 
enemy  very  soon  opened  a  galling  fire  from  within  the 
fort  with  shells  with  short  fuses,  thrown  over  the  ridge 
by  hand,  like  grenades,  and  these  did  some  execution. 
The  wounds  inflicted  by  these  missiles  were  frightful. 
To  this  we  replied  as  actively  as  possible,  and  this  con 
flict  between  parties  invisible  to  each  other,  not  only 
on  account  of  the  darkness,  but  also  on  account  of  the 
barrier  between  them,  was  kept  up  with  fury  during 
the  night  and  the  next  forenoon.  Immediately  on  the 
springing  of  the  mine  a  tremendous  cannonade  was 
opened  along  our  whole  line,  accompanied  by  active 
firing  from  the  rifle-pits.  This  fire  was  continued  with 
little  relaxation  during  the  night  and  the  next  day. 
After  several  days  of  this  kind  of  warfare,  we  had  made 
no  progress  whatever,  not  being  able  either  to  plant  a 
battery  or  to  open  a  rifle-pit  upon  the  new  ground. 
Eventually  McPherson  completed  another  mine, 

92 


Pembertorfs  Surrender. 

which  he  exploded  on  the  first  day  of  July.  Many  Con 
federates  were  killed,  and  six  were  thrown  over  into 
our  lines  by  the  explosion.  They  were  all  dead  but 
one,  a  negro,  who  got  well  and  joined  our  army.  Mc- 
Pherson  did  not,  however,  get  possession  of  the  place 
through  this  mine,  as  he  had  hoped. 

Little  advancement  was  made  in  the  siege  after  Mc- 
Pherson  sprang  his  first  mine  on  the  25th  of  June, 
except  in  the  matter  of  time  and  in  the  holding  of  the 
lines  of  investment.  Several  things  conspired  to  pro 
duce  inactivity  and  a  sort  of  listlessness  among  the  vari 
ous  commands — the  heat  of  the  weather,  the  unex 
pected  length  of  the  siege,  the  endurance  of  the  defense, 
the  absence  of  any  thorough  organization  of  the  en 
gineer  department,  and,  above  all,  the  well-grounded 
general  belief  of  our  officers  and  men  that  the  town  must 
presently  fall  through  starvation,  without  any  special 
effort  or  sacrifice.  This  belief  was  founded  on  the  re 
ports  from  within  Vicksburg.  Every  new  party  of 
deserters  which  reached  us  agreed  that  the  provisions 
of  the  place  were  near  the  point  of  total  exhaustion, 
that  rations  had  been  reduced  lower  than  ever,  that  ex 
treme  dissatisfaction  existed  among  the  garrison,  and  it 
was  generally  expected — indeed,  there  was  a  sort  of 
conviction — on  all  hands  that  the  city  would  be  sur 
rendered  on  Saturday,  July  4th,  if,  indeed,  it  could  hold 
out  so  long  as  that. 

While  apathy  grew  in  our  ranks,  the  Confederates 
displayed  more  activity  than  ever.  On  the  morning  of 
June  27th  they  sprang  a  countermine  on  Sherman's 
front,  which  destroyed  the  mines  Sherman's  engineers 

93 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

had  nearly  finished,  and  threw  the  head  of  his  sap  into 
general  confusion.  McPherson  was  prevented  from 
taking  possession  of  the  fort,  which  had  been  partially 
destroyed.  Ord's  (lately  McClernand's)  working  par 
ties,  which  were  now  well  up  to  the  Confederate  lines, 
were  checked  by  hand  grenades.  Lauman  was  almost 
nightly  assailed  by  little  sorties  of  the  enemy,  and 
always  lost  a  few  men  in  them,  killed,  wounded,  or 
captured. 

The  operations  west  of  the  Mississippi  became  more 
threatening,  too.  Our  scouts  brought  in  word  that 
Price  and  Kirby  Smith  were  about  to  attempt  to  pro 
vision  Vicksburg  by  way  of  Milliken's  Bend.  There 
were  rumors  also  that  some  two  thousand  or  more 
skiffs  had  been  prepared  within  the  town,  by  which  it 
was  thought  the  garrison  might  escape. 

The  general  indisposition  of  our  troops  to  prosecute 
the  siege  zealously,  and  the  evident  determination  on 
the  part  of  the  enemy  to  hold  out  until  the  last,  caused 
General  Grant  to  hold  a  council  of  war  on  the  morning 
of  June  30th,  to  take  judgment  on  the  question  of  trying 
another  general  assault,  or  leaving  the  result  to  the 
exhaustion  of  the  garrison.  The  conclusion  of  the 
council  was  in  favor  of  the  latter  policy,  but  two 
days  later,  July  2d,  Grant  told  me  that  if  the  enemy 
did  not  give  up  Vicksburg  by  the  6th  he  should 
storm  it. 

Happily,  there  was  no  need  to  wait  until  the  6th. 
The  general  expectation  that  something  would  happen 
by  July  4th  was  about  to  be  confirmed.  On  the  morn 
ing  of  Friday,  July  3d,  a  soldier  appeared  on  the  Con- 

94 


Pemberton' s  Surrender. 

federate  line,  in  McPherson's  front,  bearing  a  flag  of 
truce.  General  A.  J.  Smith  was  sent  to  meet  this  man, 
who  proved  to  be  an  officer,  General  J.  S.  Bowen.  He 
bore  a  letter  from  Pemberton  addressed  to  Grant.  The 
letter  was  taken  to  headquarters,  where  it  was  read  by 
the  general  and  its  contents  were  made  known  to  the 
staff.  It  was  a  request  for  an  armistice  to  arrange  terms 
for  the  capitulation  of  Vicksburg.  To  this  end  Pember 
ton  asked  that  three  commissioners  be  appointed  to 
meet  a  like  number  to  be  named  by  himself.  Grant 
immediately  wrote  this  reply: 

The  useless  effusion  of  blood  you  propose  stopping 
by  this  course  can  be  ended  at  any  time  you  may  choose 
by  an  unconditional  surrender  of  the  city  and  garrison. 
Men  who  have  shown  so  much  endurance  and  cour 
age  as  those  now  in  Vicksburg  will  always  challenge 
the  respect  of  an  adversary,  and  I  can  assure  you 
will  be  treated  with  all  the  respect  due  to  prisoners  of 
war. 

I  do  not  favor  the  proposition  of  appointing  com 
missioners  to  arrange  terms  of  capitulation,  because  I 
have  no  terms  other  than  those  indicated  above. 

Bowen,  the  bearer  of  Pemberton's  letter,  who  had 
been  received  by  A.  J.  Smith,  expressed  a  strong  desire 
to  converse  with  General  Grant.  While  declining  this, 
Grant  requested  Smith  to  say  to  Bowen  that  if  Gen 
eral  Pemberton  desired  to  see  him  an  interview  would 
be  granted  between  the  lines  in  McPherson's  front  at 
any  hour  in  the  afternoon  which  Pemberton  might  ap 
point.  After  Bowen's  departure  a  message  was  soon 
sent  back  to  Smith,  accepting  the  proposal  for  an  in 
terview,  and  appointing  three  o'clock  as  the  hour. 

95 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

Grant  was  there  with  his  staff  and  with  Generals  Ord, 
McPherson,  Logan,  and  A.  J.  Smith.  Sherman  was 
not  present,  being  with  his  command  watching  Joe 
Johnston,  and  ready  to  spring  upon  the  latter  as  soon 
as  Pemberton  was  captured.  Pemberton  came  late, 
attended  by  General  Bowen  and  Colonel  L.  M.  Mont 
gomery. 

It  must  have  been  a  bitter  moment  for  the  Confed 
erate  chieftain.  Pemberton  was  a  Northern  man,  a 
Pennsylvanian  by  birth,  from  which  State  he  was  ap 
pointed  to  West  Point,  graduating  in  1837.  In  the  old 
army  he  fell  under  the  spell  of  the  influence  of  Jefferson 
Davis,  whose  close  friend  he  was.  Davis  appears  to  have 
thought  Pemberton  was  a  military  genius,  for  he  was 
jumped  almost  at  a  stroke,  without  much  previous  serv 
ice,  to  be  a  lieutenant  general,  and  the  defense  of  the 
Mississippi  River  was  given  over  to  his  charge.  His 
dispositions  throughout  the  entire  campaign,  after  Grant 
crossed  at  Bruinsburg,  were  weak,  and  he  was  easily 
overcome,  although  his  troops  fought  well.  As  Joe 
Johnston  truthfully  remarks  in  his  Narrative,  Pember 
ton  did  not  understand  Grant's  warfare  at  all.  Penned 
up  and  finally  compelled  to  surrender  a  vital  post  and 
a  great  army  to  his  conqueror,  an  almost  irremediable 
disaster  to  his  cause,  Pemberton  not  only  suffered  the 
usual  pangs  of  defeat,  but  he  was  doubly  humiliated  by 
the  knowledge  that  he  would  be  suspected  and  accused 
of  treachery  by  his  adopted  brethren,  and  that  the  re 
sult  would  be  used  by  the  enemies  of  Davis,  whose 
favorite  he  was,  to  undermine  the  Confederate  admin 
istration.  As  the  events  proved,  it  was  indeed  a  great 


Pemberton' s  Surrender. 

blow  to  Davis's  hold  upon  the  people  of  the  South. 
These  things  must  have  passed  through  Pemberton's 
mind  as  he  faced  Grant  for  this  final  settlement  of  the 
fate  of  Vicksburg. 

The  conversation  was  held  apart  between  Pember- 
ton  and  his  two  officers  and  Grant,  McPherson,  and  A. 
J.  Smith,  the  rest  of  us  being  seated  on  the  ground 
near  by. 

We  could,  however,  see  that  Pemberton  was  much 
excited,  and  was  impatient  in  his  answers  to  Grant.  He 
insisted  that  his  army  be  paroled  and  allowed  to  march 
beyond  our  lines,  officers  and  all,  with  eight  days'  ra 
tions,  drawn  from  their  own  stores,  officers  to  retain 
their  private  property  and  body  servants.  Grant  heard 
what  Pemberton  had  to  say,  and  left  him  at  the  end 
of  an  hour  and  a  half,  saying  that  he  would  send  in  his 
ultimatum  in  writing  before  evening;  to  this  Pember 
ton  promised  to  reply  before  night,  hostilities  to  cease 
in  the  meantime.  Grant  then  conferred  at  his  head 
quarters  with  his  corps  and  division  commanders,  all 
of  whom,  except  Steele,  who  advised  unconditional 
surrender,  favored  a  plan  proposed  by  McPherson,  and 
finally  adopted  by  Grant.  The  argument  against  the 
plan  was  one  of  feeling  only.  In  its  favor  it  was  urged 
that  it  would  at  once  not  only  tend  to  the  demoral 
ization  of  the  enemy,  but  also  release  Grant's  whole 
army  for  offensive  operations  against  Joe  Johnston  and 
Port  Hudson,  while  to  guard  and  transport  so  many 
prisoners  would  require  a  great  portion  of  our  army's 
strength.  Keeping  the  prisoners  would  also  absorb  all 
our  steamboat  transportation,  while  paroling  them 
8  97 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

would  leave  it  free  to  move  our  troops.  Paroling  would 
also  save  us  an  enormous  expenditure. 

After  long  consideration,  General  Grant  reluctantly 
gave  way  to  these  reasons,  and  at  six  o'clock  in  the 
afternoon  he  sent  a  letter  by  the  hands  of  General  Logan 
and  Lieutenant-Colonel  Wilson,  in  which  he  stated  as 
terms  that,  as  soon  as  rolls  could  be  made  out  and  pa 
roles  signed  by  officers  and  men,  Pemberton  would  be 
allowed  to  march  out  of  our  lines,  the  officers  taking  with 
them  their  side-arms  and  clothing,  and  the  field,  staff, 
and  cavalry  officers  one  horse  each.  The  rank  and  file 
were  to  retain  all  their  clothing,  but  no  other  property. 
If  these  conditions  were  accepted,  any  amount  of  ra 
tions  deemed  necessary  was  to  be  taken  from  the 
stores  they  had,  besides  the  necessary  cooking  utensils. 
Thirty  wagons  also,  counting  two  two-horse  or  mule 
teams  as  one,  were  to  be  allowed  to  transport  such  arti 
cles  as  could  not  be  carried  along.  The  same  conditions 
were  allowed  to  all  sick  and  wounded  officers  and  sol 
diers  as  fast  as  they  became  able  to  travel. 

The  officer  who  received  this  letter  stated  that  it 
would  be  impossible  to  answer  it  by  night,  and  it  was 
not  till  a  little  before  peep  of  day  that  the  reply  was 
furnished.  In  the  main  the  terms  were  accepted,  but 
Pemberton  proposed  as  amendments: 

At  10  A.  M.  to-morrow  I  propose  to  evacuate  the 
works  in  and  around  Vicksburg,  and  to  surrender  the 
city  and  garrison  under  my  command  by  marching  out 
with  my  colors  and  arms,  stacking  them  in  front  of  my 
present  lines,  after  which  you  will  take  possession.  Of 
ficers  to  retain  their  side-arms  and  personal  property, 
and  the  rights  and  property  of  citizens  to  be  respected. 


Pembertorfs  Surrender. 

General  Grant  immediately  replied: 

I  can  make  no  stipulations  with  regard  to  the  treat 
ment  of  citizens  and  their  private  property.  .  .  .  The 
property  which  officers  will  be  allowed  to  take  with 
them  will  be  as  stated  in  my  proposition  of  last  evening. 
...  If  you  mean  by  your  proposition  for  each  brigade 
to  march  to  the  front  of  the  line  now  occupied  by  it, 
and  stack  arms  at  10  A.  M.,  and  then  return  to  the  in 
side  and  there  remain  as  prisoners  until  properly  pa 
roled,  I  will  make  no  objection  to  it. 

Should  no  notification  be  received  of  your  accept 
ance  of  my  terms  by  9  A.  M.,  I  shall  regard  them  as  hav 
ing  been  rejected,  and  shall  act  accordingly. 

The  answer  came  back  promptly,  "  The  terms  pro 
posed  by  you  are  accepted." 

We  had  a  glorious  celebration  that  day.  Pember- 
ton's  note  had  been  received  just  after  daylight,  and  at 
the  appointed  hour  of  ten  o'clock  the  surrender  was 
consummated,  the  Confederate  troops  marching  out  and 
stacking  arms  in  front  of  their  works,  while  Pemberton 
appeared  for  a  moment  with  his  staff  upon  the  parapet 
of  the  central  fort.  At  eleven  o'clock  Grant  entered 
the  city.  He  was  received  by  Pemberton  with  more 
marked  impertinence  than  at  their  former  interview. 
Grant  bore  it  like  a  philosopher,  and  in  reply  treated 
Pemberton  with  even  gentler  courtesy  and  dignity  than 
before. 

I  rode  into  Vicksburg  at  the  side  of  the  conqueror, 
and  afterward  perambulated  among  the  conquered. 
The  Confederate  soldiers  were  generally  more  con 
tented  even  than  we  were.  Now  they  were  going  home, 
they  said.  They  had  had  enough  of  the  war.  The  cause 
of  the  Confederacy  was  lost.  They  wanted  to  take  the 

99 


Recollections  of  (he  Civil  War. 

oath  of  allegiance  many  of  them.  I  was  not  surprised 
to  learn  a  month  later  that  of  the  twenty-odd  thousand 
well  men  who  were  paroled  at  Vicksburg  the  greater 
part  had  since  dispersed,  and  I  felt  sure  they  could 
never  be  got  to  serve  again.  The  officers,  on  the  other 
hand,  all  declared  their  determination  never  to  give  in. 
They  had  mostly  on  that  day  the  look  of  men  who  have 
been  crying  all  night.  One  major,  who  commanded 
a  regiment  from  Missouri,  burst  into  tears  as  he  fol 
lowed  his  disarmed  men  back  into  their  lines  after  they 
had  surrendered  their  colors  and  the  guns  in  front  of 
them. 

I  found  the  buildings  of  Vicksburg  much  less  dam 
aged  than  I  had  expected.  Still,  there  were  a  good 
many  people  living  in  caves  dug  in  the  banks.  Natu 
rally  the  shells  did  less  damage  to  these  vaults  than  to 
dwellings.  There  was  a  considerable  supply  of  railroad 
cars  in  the  town,  with  one  or  two  railroad  locomotives 
in  working  condition.  There  was  also  an  unexpected 
quantity  of  military  supplies.  At  the  end  of  the  first 
week  after  our  entrance  sixty-six  thousand  stand  of 
small  arms  had  been  collected,  mainly  in  good  condi 
tion,  and  more  were  constantly  being  discovered.  They 
were  concealed  in  caves,  as  well  as  in  all  sorts  of  build 
ings.  The  siege  and  seacoast  guns  found  exceeded 
sixty,  and  the  whole  captured  artillery  was  above  two 
hundred  pieces.  The  stores  of  rebel  ammunition  also 
proved  to  be  surprisingly  heavy.  As  Grant  expressed 
it,  there  was  enough  to  have  kept  up  the  defense  for 
six  years  at  the  rate  they  were  using  it.  The  stock  of 
army  clothing  was  officially  invoiced  at  five  million 

100 


Pemberton's  Surrender. 

'dollars — Confederate  prices.  Of  sugar,  molasses,  and 
salt  there  was  a  large  quantity,  and  sixty  thousand 
pounds  of  bacon  were  found  in  one  place. 

The  way  in  which  Grant  handled  his  army  at  the 
capitulation  of  Vicksburg  was  a  splendid  example  of 
his  energy.  As  soon  as  negotiations  for  surrender 
began  on  the  3d,  he  sent  word  to  Sherman,  at  his  camp 
on  Bear  Creek,  to  get  ready  to  move  against  Johnston. 
Sherman  always  acted  on  the  instant,  and  that  very 
afternoon  he  threw  bridges  across  the  Big  Black.  He 
started  his  forces  over  the  river  on  the  4th  as  soon  as 
he  received  word  that  Pemberton  had  accepted  Grant's 
ultimatum. 

In  the  meantime  Grant  had  ordered  part  of  Ord's 
corps,  all  of  Steele's  division,  and  the  two  divisions  of 
the  Ninth  Corps,  which  was  at  Haynes's  Bluff,  to  be 
ready  to  join  Sherman  as  soon  as  the  capitulation 
was  effected.  Their  movement  was  so  prompt  that 
by  Sunday  night,  July  5th,  part  of  Ord's  force  was 
across  the  Big  Black  and  Steele  was  well  up  to  the 
river. 

As  Grant  supposed  that  Banks  needed  help  at  Port 
Hudson,  he  had  sent  a  messenger  to  him  on  the  ist  of 
the  month  telling  him  the  surrender  was  imminent,  and 
offering  aid  if  he  needed  it.  A  division — that  of  Herron 
— was  now  made  ready  to  march  as  soon  as  word  came 
back.  In  the  city  itself  there  was  the  greatest  activity. 
The  occupation  of  the  place  by  our  forces  was  directed 
by  General  McPherson,  who  was  appointed  to  the  com 
mand.  Three  divisions  were  detailed  to  garrison  the 
line  of  fortifications  and  to  furnish  the  guards  for  the 

101 


Recollections  of  the  Civil 

interior  of  the  city.    By  the  night  of  the  5th  no  troops 
remained  outside  of  Vicksburg. 

The  paroling  of  the  Confederate  troops  began  as 
soon  as  the  occupation  was  complete,  and  was  pushed 
with  all  possible  rapidity.  At  the  same  time  those  parts 
of  the  fortifications  which  we  were  now  to  defend  were 
selected,  and  the  men  began  to  obliterate  the  siege 
approaches  at  which  they  had  worked  so  hard  and  so 
long.  So  busy  was  Grant  with  the  mobilization  of  his 
army  for  offensive  field  operations  and  the  garrisoning 
of  Vicksburg  that  he  did  not  take  time  even  to  write 
to  Washington.  My  telegram  of  July  5th  to  Mr.  Stan- 
ton  describing  the  surrender  and  the  condition  of  things 
in  Vicksburg  conveyed  this  request  from  Grant  for  in 
structions  from  Washington: 

General  Grant,  being  himself  intensely  occupied,  de 
sires  me  to  say  that  he  would  like  to  receive  from  Gen 
eral  Halleck  as  soon  as  practicable  either  general  or 
specific  instructions  as  to  the  future  conduct  of  the 
war  in  his  department.  He  has  no  idea  of  going  into 
summer  quarters,  nor  does  he  doubt  his  ability  to  em 
ploy  his  army  so  as  to  make  its  blows  tell  toward  the 
great  result;  but  he  would  like  to  be  informed  whether 
the  Government  wishes  him  to  follow  his  own  judg 
ment  or  to  co-operate  in  some  particular  scheme  of 
operations. 

With  the  fall  of  Vicksburg  my  mission  was  at  an 
end.  On  the  6th  of  July  I  left  Grant  for  the  North, 
stopping  at  Helena,  Ark.,  on  my  way  up  the  river  long 
enough  to  get  news  of  Gen.  Prentiss's  recent  operations. 
Thence  I  went  on  to  Cairo  and  Washington. 


102 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

WITH   THE   ARMY    OF   THE    CUMBERLAND. 

Appointment  as  Assistant  Secretary  of  War — Again  to  the  far  front — 
An  interesting  meeting  with  Andrew  Johnson — Rosecrans's  com 
plaints — His  view  of  the  situation  at  Chattanooga — At  General 
Thomas's  headquarters — The  first  day  of  Chickamauga — The  bat 
tlefield  telegraph  service — A  night  council  of  war  at  Widow  Glenn's 
— Personal  experiences  of  the  disastrous  second  day's  battle — The 
"  Rock  of  Chickamauga." 

I  HAPPENED  to  be  the  first  man  to  reach  the  capital 
from  Vicksburg,  and  everybody  wanted  to  hear  the 
story  and  to  ask  questions.  I  was  anxious  to  get  home 
and  see  my  family,  however,  and  left  for  New  York  as 
soon  as  I  could  get  away.  A  few  days  after  I  arrived 
in  New  York  I  received  an  invitation  to  go  into  busi 
ness  there  with  Mr.  Ketchum,  a  banker,  and  with 
George  Opdyke,  the  merchant.  I  wrote  Mr.  Stanton 
of  the  opening,  but  he  urged  me  to  remain  in  the  War 
Department  as  one  of  his  assistants,  which  I  consented 
to  do.* 

The  first  commission  with  which  Mr.  Stanton 
charged  me  after  my  appointment  as  his  assistant  was 
one  similar  to  that  which  I  had  just  finished — to  go  to 

*  Although  appointed  some  months  before,  Mr.  Dana  was  not  nomi 
nated  in  the  Senate  as  Second  Assistant  Secretary  of  War  until  January 
20,  1864;  the  nomination  was  confirmed  on  January  26. 

103 


Recollections  of  the  Civil 

Tennessee  to  observe  and  report  the  movements  of 
Rosecrans  against  Bragg.  General  Rosecrans,  who, 
after  the  battle  of  Stone's  River,  or  Murfreesboro,  on 
December  3ist  to  January  2,  1863,  had  lain  for  nearly 
six  months  at  Murfreesboro,  obstructing  on  various 
excuses  all  the  efforts  Lincoln  and  Stanton  and  Hal- 
leek  put  forth  to  make  him  move  against  Bragg,  who 
occupied  what  was  known  as  the  Tullahoma  line,  had 
toward  the  end  of  June  moved  on  Bragg  and  driven 
him  across  the  Tennessee  River.  He  had  then  settled 
down  to  rest  again,  while  Bragg  had  taken  possession 
of  his  new  line  in  and  about  Chattanooga. 

Burnside,  who  was  in  Kentucky,  had  been  ordered 
to  unite  with  Rosecrans  by  way  of  East  Tennessee,  in 
order  that  the  combined  force  should  attack  Bragg, 
but,  despite  the  urgency  of  the  administration,  no  move 
ment  was  made  by  Rosecrans  until  the  middle  of  Au 
gust.  As  soon  as  it  was  evident  that  he  was  really 
going  out  against  the  Confederates,  Mr.  Stanton  asked 
me  to  join  the  Army  of  the  Cumberland.  My  orders 
were  to  report  directly  to  Rosecrans's  headquarters.  I 
carried  the  following  letter  of  introduction  to  that  gen 
eral: 

WAR  DEPARTMENT, 
WASHINGTON  CITY,  August  jo,  1863.    \ 

Maj.-Gen.  ROSECRANS,  Commanding,  etc. 

GENERAL  :  This  will  introduce  to  you  Charles  A. 
Dana,  Esq.,  one  of  my  assistants,  who  visits  your  com 
mand  for  the  purpose  of  conferring  with  you  upon  any 
subject  which  you  may  desire  to  have  brought  to  the 
notice  of  the  department.  Mr.  Dana  is  a  gentleman  of 
distinguished  character,  patriotism,  and  ability,  and  pos 
sesses  the  entire  confidence  of  the  department.  You 

104 


With  the  Army  of  the  Cumberland. 

will  please  afford  to  him  the  courtesy  and  consideration 
which  he  merits,  and  explain  to  him  fully  any  matters 
which  you  may  desire  through  him  to  bring  to  the  no 
tice  of  the  department. 

Yours  truly,  EDWIN  M.  STANTON. 

As  soon  as  my  papers  arrived  I  left  for  my  post.  I 
was  much  delayed  on  railroads  and  steamboats,  and 
when  I  reached  Cincinnati  found  it  was  impossible  to 
join  Burnside  by  his  line  of  march  to  Knoxville  and 
from  him  go  to  Rosecrans,  as  I  had  intended.  Accord 
ingly  I  went  on  to  Louisville,  where  I  arrived  on  Sep 
tember  5th.  I  found  there  that  Burnside  had  just  occu 
pied  Knoxville;  that  the  Ninth  Corps,  which  two 
months  before  I  had  left  near  Vicksburg,  was  now 
about  to  go  to  him  from  near  Louisville;  and  that  Rose 
crans  had  queerly  enough  telegraphed  to  the  clergy 
all  over  the  country  that  he  expected  a  great  battle  that 
day  and  desired  their  prayers. 

I  went  directly  from  Louisville  to  Nashville,  where 
I  found  General  Gordon  Granger  in  command.  As  he 
and  Governor  Johnson  were  going  to  the  front  in  a 
day  or  two,  I  waited  to  go  with  them.  The  morning 
after  my  arrival  at  Nashville  I  went  to  call  on  Johnson. 
I  had  never  met  him  before. 

Andrew  Johnson  was  short  and  stocky,  of  dark 
complexion,  smooth  face,  dark  hair,  dark  eyes,  and 
of  great  determination  of  appearance.  When  I  went 
to  see  him  in  his  office,  the  first  thing  he  said  was: 

"Will  you  have  a  drink?" 

"  Yes,  I  will,"  I  answered.  So  he  brought  out  a 
jug  of  whisky  and  poured  out  as  much  as  he  wanted  in 

105 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

a  tumbler,  and  then  made  it  about  half  and  half  water. 
The  theoretical,  philosophical  drinker  pours  out  a  little 
whisky  and  puts  in  almost  no  water  at  all — drinks  it 
pretty  nearly  pure — but  when  a  man  gets  to  taking  a 
good  deal  of  water  in  his  whisky,  it  shows  he  is  in  the 
habit  of  drinking  a  good  deal.  I  noticed  that  the  Gov 
ernor  took  more  whisky  than  most  gentlemen  would 
have  done,  and  I  concluded  that  he  took  it  pretty 
often. 

I  had  a  prolonged  conversation  that  morning  with 
Governor  Johnson,  who  expressed  himself  in  cheering 
terms  in  regard  to  the  general  condition  of  Tennessee. 
He  regarded  the  occupation  of  Knoxville  by  Burnside 
as  completing  the  permanent  expulsion  of  Confederate 
power,  and  said  he  should  order  a  general  election  for 
the  first  week  in  October.  He  declared  that  slavery 
was  destroyed  in  fact,  but  must  be  abolished  legally. 
Johnson  was  thoroughly  in  favor  of  immediate  emanci 
pation  both  as  a  matter  of  moral  right  and  as  an  indis 
pensable  condition  of  the  large  immigration  of  indus 
trious  freemen  which  he  thought  necessary  to  repeople 
and  regenerate  the  State. 

On  the  loth  of  September  we  started  for  the  front, 
going  by  rail  to  Bridgeport,  on  the  Tennessee  River. 
This  town  at  that  date  was  the  terminus  of  the  Nash 
ville  and  Chattanooga  Railroad.  The  bridge  across  the 
river  and  part  of  the  railroad  beyond  had  been  destroyed 
by  Bragg  when  he  retreated  in  the  preceding  summer 
from  Tullahoma.  It  was  by  way  of  Bridgeport  that 
troops  were  joining  Rosecrans  at  the  far  front,  and  all 
supplies  went  to  him  that  way.  On  reaching  the  town, 

106 


With  the  Army  of  the  Cumberland. 

we  heard  that  Chattanooga  had  been  occupied  by  Crit- 
tenden's  corps  of  Rosecrans's  army  the  day  before,  Sep 
tember  pth;  so  the  next  day,  September  nth,  I  pushed 
on  there  by  horseback  past  Shellmound  and  Wauhat- 
chie.  The  country  through  which  I  passed  is  a  mag 
nificent  region  of  rocks  and  valleys,  and  I  don't  be 
lieve  there  is  anywhere  a  finer  view  than  that  I  had  from 
Lookout  Mountain  as  I  approached  Chattanooga. 

When  I  reached  Chattanooga  I  went  at  once  to 
General  Rosecrans's  headquarters  and  presented  my 
letter.  He  read  it,  and  then  burst  out  in  angry  abuse 
of  the  Government  at  Washington.  He  had  not  been 
sustained,  he  said.  His  requests  had  been  ignored,  his 
plans  thwarted.  Both  Stanton  and  Halleck  had  done 
all  they  could,  he  declared,  to  prevent  his  success. 

"  General  Rosecrans,"  I  said,  "  I  have  no  authority 
to  listen  to  complaints  against  the  Government.  I  was 
sent  here  for  the  purpose  of  finding  out  what  the  Gov 
ernment  could  do  to  aid  you,  and  have  no  right  to 
confer  with  you  on  other  matters." 

He  quieted  down  at  once,  and  explained  his  situa 
tion  to  me.  He  had  reached  Chattanooga,  he  said,  on 
the  loth,  with  Crittenden's  troops,  the  Twenty-first 
Corps,  the  town  having  been  evacuated  the  day  before 
by  the  Confederates.  As  all  the  reports  brought  in 
seemed  to  indicate  that  Bragg  was  in  full  retreat  toward 
Rome,  Ga.,  Crittenden  had  immediately  started  in  pur 
suit,  and  had  gone  as  far  as  Ringgold.  On  the  night 
before  (September  nth)  it  had  seemed  evident  that 
Bragg  had  abandoned  his  retreat  on  Rome,  and  behind 
the  curtain  of  the  woods  and  hills  had  returned  with  the 

107 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

purpose  of  suddenly  falling  with  his  whole  army  upon 
the  different  corps  and  divisions  of  our  army,  now 
widely  separated  by  the  necessity  of  crossing  the  moun 
tains  at  gaps  far  apart. 

This  was  a  serious  matter  for  Rosecrans,  if  true,  for 
at  that  moment  his  army  was  scattered  over  a  line  more 
than  fifty  miles  long,  extending  from  Chattanooga  on 
the  north  to  Alpine  on  the  south.  Rosecrans  pointed 
out  to  me  the  positions  on  the  map.  Crittenden,  he 
explained,  had  been  ordered  immediately  to  leave  Ring- 
gold  and  move  westward  to  the  valley  of  the  West 
Chickamauga.  He  was  near  a  place  known  as  Lee  and 
Gordon's  Mills.  General  Thomas,  who  commanded  the 
Fourteenth  Corps,  had  marched  across  Lookout  Moun 
tain  and  now  held  Stevens's  Gap,  perhaps  twenty-five 
miles  south  of  Chattanooga.  McCook,  with  the  Twen 
tieth  Corps,  had  been  ordered,  after  crossing  the  Ten 
nessee,  to  march  southeast,  and  now  was  at  Alpine, 
fully  thirty-five  miles  south  of  Crittenden.  Orders  had 
been  sent  McCook,  when  it  was  found  that  Bragg  had 
made  a  stand,  to  rest  his  left  flank  on  the  southern  base 
of  Mission  Ridge,  and,  extending  his  line  toward  Sum- 
merville,  fall  on  the  flank  of  the  enemy  should  he  follow 
the  valley  that  way.  The  reserve,  under  Gordon 
Granger,  was  still  north  of  the  Tennessee,  although  one 
division  had  reached  Bridgeport  and  the  rest  were  rap 
idly  approaching.  Notwithstanding  the  signs  that 
Bragg  might  not  be  retreating  so  fast  as  he  at  first  ap 
peared  to  have  been,  Rosecrans  was  confident  as  late 
as  the  1 2th  that  the  Confederate  commander  was  merely 
making  a  show  of  the  offensive  to  check  pursuit,  and 

108 


With  the  Army  of  the  Cumberland. 

that  he  would  make  his  escape  to  Rome  as  soon  as  he 
found  our  army  concentrated  for  battle  east  of  Lookout 
Mountain. 

The  next  day  (the  I3th)  I  left  Chattanooga  with 
Rosecrans  and  his  staff  for  Thomas's  headquarters  at 
Stevens's  Gap.  We  found  everything  progressing  fa 
vorably  there.  The  movements  for  the  concentration 
of  the  three  corps  were  going  forward  with  energy. 
Scouts  were  coming  in  constantly,  who  reported  that 
the  enemy  had  withdrawn  from  the  basin  where  our 
army  was  assembling;  that  he  was  evacuating  Lafayette 
and  moving  toward  Rome.  It  seemed  as  if  at  last  the 
Army  of  the  Cumberland  had  practically  gained  a  posi 
tion  from  which  it  could  effectually  advance  upon  Rome 
and  Atlanta,  and  deliver  there  the  finishing  blow  of 
the  war.  The  difficulties  of  gaining  this  position,  of 
crossing  the  Cumberland  Mountains,  passing  the  Ten 
nessee,  turning  and  occupying  Chattanooga,  traversing 
the  mountain  ridges  of  northern  Georgia,  and  seizing 
the  passes  which  led  southward  had  been  enormous.  It 
was  only  when  I  came  personally  to  examine  the  region 
that  I  appreciated  what  had  been  done.  These  diffi 
culties  were  all  substantially  overcome.  The  army  was 
in  the  best  possible  condition,  and  was  advancing  with 
all  the  rapidity  which  the  nature  of  the  country  allowed. 
Our  left  flank  toward  East  Tennessee  was  secured  by 
Burnside,  and  the  only  disadvantage  which  I  could  see 
was  that  a  sudden  movement  of  the  enemy  to  our  right 
might  endanger  our  long  and  precarious  line  of  com 
munications  and  compel  us  to  retreat  again  beyond  the 
Tennessee.  I  felt  this  so  keenly  that  I  urged  Mr.  Stan- 

109 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

ton,  in  a  dispatch  sent  to  him  on  the  I4th  from  Thomas's 
headquarters,  to  push  as  strong  a  column  as  possible 
eastward  from  Corinth,  in  northeastern  Mississippi.  It 
seemed  to  me  that  it  would  be  better  to  recall  the  troops 
from  the  West  rather  than  to  risk  a  check  here,  where 
the  heart  of  rebellion  was  within  reach  and  the  final 
blow  all  prepared. 

But,  after  all,  there  was  something  of  a  mystery 
about  the  real  location  of  Bragg's  army,  its  strength, 
and  the  designs  of  its  chief.  At  any  rate  it  was  soon 
manifest  that  Bragg  was  not  withdrawing  to  the  south 
ward,  as  at  first  supposed.  Some  queer  developments 
down  the  Chickamauga  on  the  i6th  and  I7th  caused 
Rosecrans  considerable  anxiety  for  Chattanooga.  The 
impression  began  to  grow,  too,  that  Bragg  had  been 
playing  'possum,  and  had  not  retreated  at  all.  Rose 
crans  at  once  abandoned  all  idea  of  operations  against 
the  Confederate  line  of  retreat  and  supply,  drew  his 
army  in  rapidly,  and  began  to  look  sharply  after  his  own 
communications  with  Chattanooga,  which  had  now  be 
come  his  base. 

By  noon  of  September  i8th  the  concentration  was 
practically  complete.  Our  army  then  lay  up  and  down 
the  valley,  with  West  Chickamauga  Creek  in  front  of 
the  greater  part  of  the  line.  The  left  was  held  by  Crit- 
tenden,  the  center  by  Thomas,  and  the  right  by  Mc- 
Cook,  whose  troops  were  now  all  in  the  valley  except 
one  brigade.  The  army  had  not  concentrated  any  too 
soon,  for  that  very  afternoon  the  enemy  appeared  on 
our  left,  and  a  considerable  engagement  occurred.  It 
was  said  at  headquarters  that  a  battle  was  certain  the 

1 10 


With  the  Army  of  the  Cumberland. 

next  day.  The  only  point  Rosecrans  had  not  deter 
mined  at  five  o'clock  on  the  afternoon  of  the  i8th  was 
whether  to  make  a  night  march  and  fall  on  Bragg  at 
daylight  or  to  await  his  onset. 

But  that  night  it  became  pretty  clear  to  all  that 
Bragg's  plan  was  to  push  by  our  left  into  Chattanooga. 
This  compelled  another  rapid  movement  by  the  left 
down  the  Chickamauga.  By  a  tiresome  night  march 
Thomas  moved  down  behind  Crittenden  and  below  Lee 
and  Gordon's  Mills,  taking  position  on  our  extreme 
left.  Crittenden  followed,  connecting  with  Thomas's 
right,  and  thus  taking  position  in  the  center.  McCook's 
corps  also  extended  down  stream  to  the  left,  but  still 
covered  the  creek  as  high  up  as  Crawfish  Spring,  while 
part  of  his  troops  acted  as  a  reserve.  These  movements 
were  hurriedly  made,  and  the  troops,  especially  those  of 
Thomas,  were  very  much  exhausted  by  their  efforts 
to  get  into  position. 

Rosecrans  had  not  been  mistaken  in  Bragg's  inten 
tion.  About  nine  o'clock  the  next  morning  at  Craw 
fish  Spring,  where  the  general  headquarters  were,  we 
heard  firing  on  our  left,  and  reports  at  once  came  in 
that  the  battle  had  begun  there,  Bragg  being  in  com 
mand  of  the  enemy.  Thomas  had  barely  headed  the 
Confederates  off  from  Chattanooga.  We  remained  at 
Crawfish  Springs  on  this  day  until  after  one  o'clock, 
waiting  for  the  full  proportions  of  the  conflict  to  de 
velop.  When  it  became  evident  that  the  battle  was 
being  fought  entirely  on  our  left,  Rosecrans  removed 
his  headquarters  nearer  to  the  scene,  taking  a  little 
house  near  Lee  and  Gordon's  Mills,  known  as  the 

in 


Recollections  of  the  Civil 

Widow  Glenn's.  Although  closer  to  the  battle,  we 
could  see  no  more  of  it  here  than  at  Crawfish  Springs, 
the  conflict  being  fought  altogether  in  a  thick  forest, 
and  being  invisible  to  outsiders.  The  nature  of  the 
firing  and  the  reports  from  the  commanders  alone  en 
abled  us  to  follow  its  progress. 

That  we  were  able  to  keep  as  well  informed  as  we 
were  was  due  to  our  excellent  telegraphic  communica 
tions.  By  this  time  the  military  telegraph  had  been  so 
thoroughly  developed  that  it  was  one  of  the  most  useful 
accessories  of  our  army,  even  on  a  battlefield.  For 
instance,  after  Rosecrans  had  taken  Crawfish  Springs 
as  his  headquarters,  he  had  given  orders,  on  September 
1 7th,  to  connect  the  place  with  Chattanooga,  thirteen 
miles  to  the  northwest.  The  line  was  completed  after 
the  battle  began  on  the  I9th,  and  we  were  in  communi 
cation  not  only  with  Chattanooga,  but  with  Granger  at 
Rossville  and  with  Thomas  at  his  headquarters.  When 
Rosecrans  removed  to  the  Widow  Glenn's,  the  telegra 
phers  went  along,  and  in  an  hour  had  connections  made 
and  an  instrument  clicking  away  in  Mrs.  Glenn's  house. 
We  thus  had  constant  information  of  the  way  the  battle 
was  going,  not  only  from  the  orderlies,  but  also  from  the 
wires. 

This  excellent  arrangement  enabled  me  also  to  keep 
the  Government  at  Washington  informed  of  the  prog 
ress  of  the  battle.  I  sent  eleven  dispatches  that  day  to 
Mr.  Stanton.  They  were  very  brief,  but  they  reported 
all  that  I,  near  as  I  was  to  the  scene,  knew  of  the  battle 
of  September  iQth  at  Chickamauga. 

It  was  not  till  after  dark  that  firing  ceased  and  final 

112 


With  the  Army  of  the  Cumberland. 

reports  began  to  come  in.  From  these  we  found  that 
the  enemy  had  been  defeated  in  his  attempt  to  turn 
and  crush  our  left  flank  and  secure  possession  of  the 
Chattanooga  roads,  but  that  he  was  not  wholly  de 
feated,  for  he  still  held  his  ground  in  several  places,  and 
was  preparing,  it  was  believed,  to  renew  the  battle  the 
next  day. 

That  evening  Rosecrans  decided  that  if  Bragg  did 
not  retreat  he  would  renew  the  fight  at  daylight,  and  a 
council  of  war  was  held  at  our  headquarters  at  the 
Widow  Glenn's,  to  which  all  the  corps  and  division 
commanders  were  summoned.  There  must  have  been 
ten  or  twelve  general  officers  there.  Rosecrans  began 
by  asking  each  of  the  corps  commanders  for  a  report 
of  the  condition  of  his  troops  and  of  the  position  they 
occupied;  also  for  his  opinion  of  what  was  to  be  done. 
Each  proposition  was  discussed  by  the  entire  council  as 
it  was  made.  General  Thomas  was  so  tired — he  had  not 
slept  at  all  the  night  before,  and  he  had  been  in  battle 
all  day — that  he  went  to  sleep  every  minute.  Every 
time  Rosecrans  spoke  to  him  he  would  straighten  up 
and  answer,  but  he  always  said  the  same  thing,  "  I  would 
strengthen  the  left,"  and  then  he  would  be  asleep,  sit 
ting  up  in  his  chair.  General  Rosecrans,  to  the  proposi 
tion  to  strengthen  the  left,  made  always  the  same  reply, 
"  Where  are  we  going  to  take  it  from?  " 

After  the  discussion  was  ended,  Rosecrans  gave  his 
orders  for  the  disposition  of  the  troops  on  the  follow 
ing  day.  Thomas's  corps  was  to  remain  on  the  left 
with  his  line  somewhat  drawn  in,  but  substantially  as 
he  was  at  the  close  of  the  day.  McCook  was  to  close 

9  113 

*& 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

on  Thomas  and  cover  the  position  at  Widow  Glenn's, 
and  Crittenden  was  to  have  two  divisions  in  reserve 
near  the  junction  of  McCook's  and  Thomas's  lines,  to 
be  able  to  succor  either.  These  orders  were  written  for 
each  corps  commander.  They  were  also  read  in  the 
presence  of  all,  and  the  plans  fully  explained.  Finally, 
after  everything  had  been  said,  hot  coffee  was  brought 
in,  and  then  McCook  was  called  upon  to  sing  the  He 
brew  Maiden.  McCook  sang  the  song,  and  then  the 
council  broke  up  and  the  generals  went  away. 

This  was  about  midnight,  and,  as  I  was  very  tired, 
I  lay  down  on  the  floor  to  sleep,  beside  Captain  Horace 
Porter,  who  was  at  that  time  Rosecrans's  chief  of  ord 
nance.  There  were  cracks  in  the  floor  of  the  Widow 
Glenn's  house,  and  the  wind  blew  up  under  us.  We 
would  go  to  sleep,  and  then  the  wind  would  come  up 
so  cold  through  the  cracks  that  it  would  wake  us  up, 
and  we  would  turn  over  together  to  keep  warm. 

At  daybreak  we  at  headquarters  were  all  up  and  on 
our  horses  ready  to  go  with  the  commanding  general 
to  inspect  our  lines.  We  rode  past  McCook,  Crittenden, 
and  Thomas  to  the  extreme  left,  Rosecrans  giving  as 
he  went  the  orders  he  thought  necessary  to  strengthen 
the  several  positions.  The  general  intention  of  these 
orders  was  to  close  up  on  the  left,  where  it  was  evident 
the  attack  would  begin.  We  then  rode  back  to  the  ex 
treme  right,  Rosecrans  stopping  at  each  point  to  see 
if  his  orders  had  been  obeyed.  In  several  cases  they 
had  not  been  obeyed,  and  he  made  them  more  per 
emptory.  When  we  found  that  McCook's  line  had 
been  elongated  so  that  it  was  a  mere  thread,  Rosecrans 

114 


With  the  Army  of  the  Cumberland. 

was  very  angry,  and  sent  for  the  general,  rebuking  him 
severely,  although,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  General  Mc- 
Cook's  position  had  been  taken  under  the  written  orders 
of  the  commander  in  chief,  given  the  night  before. 

About  half  past  eight  or  nine  o'clock  the  battle 
began  on  the  left,  where  Thomas  was.  At  that  time 
Rosecrans,  with  whom  I  always  remained,  was  on  the 
right,  directing  the  movements  of  the  troops  there.  Just 
after  the  cannon  began  I  remember  that  a  ten-pound 
shell  came  crashing  through  our  staff,  but  hurting  no 
body.  I  had  not  slept  much  for  two  nights,  and,  as  it 
was  warm,  I  dismounted  about  noon  and,  giving  my 
horse  to  my  orderly,  lay  down  on  the  grass  and  went  to 
sleep.  I  was  awakened  by  the  most  infernal  noise  I  ever 
heard.  Never  in  any  battle  I  had  witnessed  was  there 
such  a  discharge  of  cannon  and  musketry.  I  sat  up  on 
the  grass,  and  the  first  thing  I  saw  was  General  Rose 
crans  crossing  himself — he  was  a  very  devout  Catholic. 
"  Hello!  "  I  said  to  myself,  "  if  the  general  is  crossing 
himself,  we  are  in  a  desperate  situation." 

I  was  on  my  horse  in  a  moment.  I  had  no  sooner 
collected  my  thoughts  and  looked  around  toward  the 
front,  where  all  this  din  came  from,  than  I  saw  our  lines 
break  and  melt  away  like  leaves  before  the  wind.  Then 
the  headquarters  around  me  disappeared.  The  gray- 
backs  came  through  with  a  rush,  and  soon  the  musket 
balls  and  the  cannon  shot  began  to  reach  the  place  where 
we  stood.  The  whole  right  of  the  army  had  apparently 
been  routed.  My  orderly  stuck  to  me  like  a  veteran, 
and  we  drew  back  for  greater  safety  into  the  woods  a 
little  way.  There  I  came  upon  General  Porter — Captain 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

Porter  he  was  then — and  Captain  Drouillard,  an  aide- 
de-camp  infantry  officer  attached  to  General  Rose- 
crans's  staff,  halting  fugitives.  They  would  halt  a  few 
of  them,  get  them  into  some  sort  of  a  line,  and  make  a 
beginning  of  order  among  them,  and  then  there  would 
come  a  few  rounds  of  cannon  shot  through  the  tree-tops 
over  their  heads  and  the  men  would  break  and  run.  I 
saw  Porter  and  Drouillard  plant  themselves  in  front  of 
a  body  of  these  stampeding  men  and  command  them  to 
halt.  One  man  charged  with  his  bayonet,  menacing 
Porter;  but  Porter  held  his  ground,  and  the  man  gave 
in.  That  was  the  only  case  of  real  mutiny  that  I  ever 
saw  in  the  army,  and  that  was  under  such  circumstances 
that  the  man  was  excusable.  The  cause  of  all  this  dis 
aster  was  the  charge  of  the  Confederates  through  the 
hiatus  in  the  line  caused  by  the  withdrawal  of  Wood's 
division,  under  a  misapprehension  of  orders,  before  its 
place  could  be  filled. 

I  attempted  to  make  my  way  from  this  point  in  the 
woods  to  Sheridan's  division,  but  when  I  reached  the 
place  where  I  knew  it  had  been  a  little  time  before, 
I  found  it  had  been  swept  from  the  field.  Not  far 
away,  however,  I  stumbled  on  a  body  of  organized 
troops.  This  was  a  brigade  of  mounted  riflemen  under 
Colonel  John  T.  Wilder,  of  Indiana.  "Mr.  Dana," 
asked  Colonel  Wilder,  "  what  is  the  situation?  " 

"  I  do  not  know,"  I  said,  "  except  that  this  end  of 
the  army  has  been  routed.  There  is  still  heavy  fighting 
at  the  left  front,  and  our  troops  seem  to  be  holding 
their  ground  there  yet." 

"  Will  you  give  me  any  orders?  "  he  asked. 
116 


With  the  Army  of  the  Cumberland. 

"  I  have  no  authority  to  give  orders,"  I  replied; 
"  but  if  I  were  in  your  situation  I  should  go  to  the  left, 
where  Thomas  is." 

Then  I  turned  my  horse,  and,  making  my  way  over 
Missionary  Ridge,  struck  the  Chattanooga  Valley  and 
rode  to  Chattanooga,  twelve  or  fifteen  miles  away.  The 
whole  road  was  filled  with  flying  soldiers;  here  and  there 
were  pieces  of  artillery,  caissons,  and  baggage  wagons. 
Everything  was  in  the  greatest  disorder.  When  I 
reached  Chattanooga,  a  little  before  four  o'clock,  I 
found  Rosecrans  there.  In  the  helter-skelter  to  the 
rear  he  had  escaped  by  the  Rossville  road.  He  was  ex 
pecting  every  moment  that  the  enemy  would  arrive 
before  the  town,  and  was  doing  all  he  could  to  prepare 
to  resist  his  entrance.  Soon  after  I  arrived  the  two 
corps  commanders,  McCook  and  Crittenden,  both  came 
into  Chattanooga. 

The  first  thing  I  did  on  reaching  town  was  to  tele 
graph  Mr.  Stanton.  I  had  not  sent  him  any  telegrams 
in  the  morning,  for  I  had  been  in  the  field  with  Rose 
crans,  and  part  of  the  time  at  some  distance  from  the 
Widow  Glenn's,  where  the  operators  were  at  work.  The 
boys  kept  at  their  post  there  until  the  Confederates  swept 
them  out  of  the  house.  When  they  had  to  run,  they 
went  instruments  and  tools  in  hand,  and  as  soon  as  out 
of  reach  of  the  enemy  set  up  shop  on  a  stump.  It  was 
not  long  before  they  were  driven  out  of  this.  They 
next  attempted  to  establish  an  office  on  the  Rossville 
road,  but  before  they  had  succeeded  in  making  connec 
tions  a  battle  was  raging  around  them,  and  they  had  to 
retreat  to  Granger's  headquarters  at  Rossville. 

117 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

Having  been  swept  bodily  off  the  battlefield,  and 
having  made  my  way  into  Chattanooga  through  a  panic- 
stricken  rabble,  the  first  telegram  which  I  sent  to  Mr. 
Stanton  was  naturally  colored  by  what  I  had  seen  and 
experienced.  I  remember  that  I  began  the  dispatch 
by  saying:  "  My  report  to-day  is  of  deplorable  impor 
tance.  Chickamauga  is  as  fatal  a  name  in  our  history 
as  Bull  Run."  By  eight  o'clock  that  evening,  how 
ever,  I  found  that  I  had  given  too  dark  a  view  of  the 
disaster. 

Early  the  next  morning  things  looked  still  better. 
Rosecrans  received  a  telegram  from  Thomas  at  Ross- 
ville,  to  which  point  he  had  withdrawn  after  the  night 
fall,  saying  that  his  troops  were  in  high  spirits,  and  that 
he  had  brought  off  all  his  wounded.  A  little  while 
before  noon  General  James  A.  Garfield,  who  was  chief 
of  Rosecrans's  staff,  arrived  in  Chattanooga  and  gave 
us  the  first  connected  account  we  had  of  the  battle  on 
the  left  after  the  rout.  Garfield  said  that  he  had  become 
separated  from  Rosecrans  in  the  rout  of  our  right  wing 
and  had  made  his  way  to  the  left,  and  spent  the  after 
noon  and  night  with  General  Thomas.  There  he  wit 
nessed  the  sequel  of  the  battle  in  that  part  of  the  field. 
Thomas,  finding  himself  cut  off  from  Rosecrans  and 
the  right,  at  once  marshalled  the  remaining  divisions  for 
independent  fighting.  Refusing  both  his  right  and  left, 
his  line  assumed  the  form  of  a  horseshoe,  posted  along 
the  slope  and  crest  of  a  partly  wooded  ridge.  He  was 
soon  joined  by  Granger  from  Rossville,  with  Steedman 
and  most  of  the  reserve;  and  with  these  forces,  more 
than  two  thirds  of  the  army,  he  firmly  maintained  the 

118 


With  the  Army  of  the  Cumberland. 

fight  till  after  dark.  Our  troops  were  as  immovable 
as  the  rocks  they  stood  on.  Longstreet  hurled  against 
them  repeatedly  the  dense  columns  which  had  routed 
Davis  and  Sheridan  in  the  early  afternoon,  but  every 
onset  was  repulsed  with  dreadful  slaughter.  Falling 
first  on  one  and  then  another  point  of  our  lines,  for 
hours  the  rebels  vainly  sought  to  break  them.  Thomas 
seemed  to  have  filled  every  soldier  with  his  own  uncon 
querable  firmness,  and  Granger,  his  hat  torn  by  bullets, 
raged  like  a  lion  wherever  the  combat  was  hottest  with 
the  electrical  courage  of  a  Ney.  When  night  fell,  this 
body  of  heroes  stood  on  the  same  ground  they  had  oc 
cupied  in  the  morning,  their  spirit  unbroken,  but  their 
numbers  greatly  diminished. 


CHAPTER   IX. 

THE   REMOVAL   OF   ROSECRANS. 

Preparing  to  defend  Chattanooga — Effect  on  the  army  of  the  day  of 
disaster  and  glory — Mr.  Dana  suggests  Grant  or  Thomas  as  Rose- 
crans's  successor — Portrait  of  Thomas — The  dignity  and  loyalty 
of  his  character  illustrated — The  army  reorganized — It  is  threat 
ened  with  starvation — An  estimate  of  Rosecrans — He  is  relieved 
of  the  command  of  the  Army  of  the  Cumberland. 

ALL  the  news  we  could  get  the  next  day  of  the  ene 
my's  movements  seemed  to  show  that  the  Confederate 
forces  were  concentrating  on  Chattanooga.  Accord 
ingly,  Rosecrans  gave  orders  for  all  our  troops  to  gather 
in  the  town  at  once  and  prepare  for  the  attack  which 
would  probably  take  place  within  a  day  or  two.  By 
midnight  the  army  was  in  Chattanooga.  The  troops 
were  in  wonderful  spirits,  considering  their  excessive 
fatigues  and  heavy  losses,  and  the  next  morning  went 
to  work  with  energy  on  the  fortifications.  All  the  morn 
ing  of  the  22d  the  enemy  were  approaching,  resisted 
by  our  advance  parties,  and  by  the  middle  of  the  after 
noon  the  artillery  firing  was  so  near  that  it  seemed  cer 
tain  that  the  battle  would  be  fought  before  dark.  No 
attack  was  made  that  day,  however,  nor  the  next,  and 
by  the  morning  of  the  24th  the  Herculean  labors  of  the 
army  had  so  fortified  the  place  that  it  was  certain  that 
it  could  be  taken  only  by  a  regular  siege  or  by  a  turn- 

I2O 


The  Removal  of  Rosecrans. 

ing  movement.  The  strength  of  our  forces  was  about 
forty-five  thousand  effective  men,  and  we  had  ten  days' 
full  rations  on  hand.  Chattanooga  could  hold  out,  but 
it  was  apparent  that  no  offensive  operations  were  pos 
sible  until  re-enforcements  came.  These  we  knew  had 
been  hurried  toward  us  as  soon  as  the  news  of  the  dis 
aster  of  the  2Oth  reached  Washington.  Burnside  was 
coming  from  Knoxville,  we  supposed,  Hooker  had 
been  ordered  from  Washington  by  rail,  Sherman  from 
Vicksburg  by  steamer,  and  some  of  Hurlbut's  troops 
from  Memphis. 

The  enemy  by  the  24th  were  massed  in  Chattanooga 
Valley,  and  held  Missionary  Ridge  and  Lookout  Moun 
tain.  The  summit  of  Lookout  Mountain,  almost  the 
key  to  Chattanooga,  was  not  given  up  by  Rosecrans 
until  the  morning  of  the  24th  ;  then  he  ordered  the 
withdrawal  of  the  brigade  which  held  the  heights,  and 
the  destruction  of  the  wagon  road  which  winds  along 
its  side  at  about  one  third  of  its  height  and  connects  the 
valleys  of  Chattanooga  and  Lookout.  Both  Granger 
and  Garfield  earnestly  protested  against  this  order,  con 
tending  that  the  mountain  and  the  road  could  be  held 
by  not  more  than  seven  regiments  against  the  whole 
power  of  the  enemy.  They  were  obviously  right,  but 
Rosecrans  was  sometimes  as  obstinate  and  inaccessible 
to  reason  as  at  others  he  was  irresolute,  vacillating,  and 
inconclusive,  and  he  pettishly  rejected  all  their  argu 
ments.  The  mountain  was  given  up. 

As  soon  as  we  felt  reasonably  sure  that  Chatta 
nooga  could  hold  out  until  re-enforcements  came,  the 
disaster  of  the  2Oth  of  September  became  the  absorb- 

121 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

ing  topic  of  conversation  in  the  Army  of  the  Cumber 
land.  At  headquarters,  in  camp,  in  the  street,  on  the 
fortifications,  officers  and  soldiers  and  citizens  wrangled 
over  the  reasons  for  the  loss  of  the  day.  By  the  end 
of  the  first  week  after  the  disaster  a  serious  fermenta 
tion  reigned  in  the  Twentieth  and  Twenty-first  Army 
Corps,  and,  indeed,  throughout  the  whole  army,  grow 
ing  out  of  events  connected  with  the  battle. 

There  was  at  once  a  manifest  disposition  to  hold 
McCook  and  Crittenden,  the  commanders  of  the  two 
corps,  responsible,  because  they  had  left  the  field  of 
battle  amid  the  rout  of  the  right  wing  and  made  their 
way  to  Chattanooga.*  It  was  not  generally  understood 
or  appreciated  at  that  time  that,  because  of  Thomas's 
repeated  calls  for  aid  and  Rosecrans's  consequent  alarm 
for  his  left,  Crittenden  had  been  stripped  of  all  his  troops 
and  had  no  infantry  whatever  left  to  command,  and  that 
McCook's  lines  also  had  been  reduced  to  a  fragment 
by  similar  orders  from  Rosecrans  and  by  fighting.  A 
strong  opposition  to  both  sprang  up,  which  my  tele 
grams  to  Mr.  Stanton  immediately  after  the  battle  fully 
reflect.  The  generals  of  division  and  of  brigade  felt  the 


*  The  feeling  of  the  army  toward  McCook  and  Crittenden  was  after 
ward  greatly  modified.  A  court  of  inquiry  examined  their  cases,  and 
in  February,  1864,  gave  its  final  finding  and  opinion.  McCook  it  re 
lieved  entirely  from  responsibility  for  the  reverse  of  September  2Oth, 
declaring  that  the  small  force  at  his  disposal  was  inadequate  to  defend, 
against  greatly  superior  numbers,  the  long  line  he  had  taken  under 
instructions,  and  adding  that,  after  the  line  was  broken,  he  had  done 
everything  he  could  to  rally  and  hold  his  troops,  giving  the  necessary 
orders  to  his  subordinates.  General  Crittenden's  conduct,  the  court 
likewise  declared,  showed  no  cause  for  censure,  and  he  was  in  no  way 
responsible  for  the  disaster  to  the  right  wing. 

122 


Removal  of  Rosecrans. 

situation  deeply,  and  said  that  they  could  no  longer 
serve  under  such  superiors,  and  that,  if  this  was  re 
quired  of  them,  they  must  resign.  This  feeling  was 
universal  among  them,  including  men  like  Major-Gen 
erals  Palmer  and  Sheridan  and  Brigadier-Generals 
Wood,  Johnson,  and  Hazen. 

The  feeling  of  these  officers  did  not  seem  in  the  least 
to  partake  of  a  mutinous  or  disorderly  character;  it  was 
rather  conscientious  unwillingness  to  risk  their  men  and 
the  country's  cause  in  hands  which  they  thought  to  be 
unsafe.  No  formal  representation  of  this  unwillingness 
was  made  to  Rosecrans,  but  he  was  made  aware  of  the 
state  of  things  by  private  conversations  with  several  of 
the  parties.  The  defects  of  his  character  complicated 
the  difficulty.  He  abounded  in  friendliness  and  appro- 
bativeness,  and  was  greatly  lacking  in  firmness  and 
steadiness  of  will.  In  short,  he  was  a  temporizing  man; 
he  dreaded  so  heavy  an  alternative  as  was  now  pre 
sented,  and  hated  to  break  with  McCook  and  Crit- 
tenden. 

Besides,  there  was  a  more  serious  obstacle  to  Rose- 
crans's  acting  decisively  in  the  fact  that  if  Crittenden 
and  McCook  had  gone  to  Chattanooga,  with  the  sound 
of  artillery  in  their  ears,  from  that  glorious  field  where 
Thomas  and  Granger  were  saving  their  army  and  their 
country's  honor,  he  had  gone  to  Chattanooga  also.  It 
might  be  said  in  his  excuse  that,  under  the  circumstances 
of  the  sudden  rout,  it  was  perfectly  proper  for  the  com 
manding  general  to  go  to  the  rear  to  prepare  the  next 
line  of  defense.  Still,  Rosecrans  felt  that  that  excuse 
could  not  entirely  clear  him  either  in  his  own  eyes  or 

123 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

in  those  of  the  army.  In  fact,  it  was  perfectly  plain 
that,  while  the  subordinate  commanders  would  not 
resign  if  he  was  retained  in  the  chief  command,  as  I 
believe  they  certainly  would  have  done  if  McCook  and 
Crittenden  had  not  been  relieved,  their  respect  for 
Rosecrans  as  a  general  had  received  an  irreparable 
blow. 

The  dissatisfaction  with  Rosecrans  seemed  to  me  to 
put  the  army  into  a  very  dangerous  condition,  and,  in 
writing  to  Mr.  Stanton  on  September  27th,  I  said  that 
if  it  was  decided  to  change  the  chief  commander  I  would 
suggest  that  some  Western  commander  of  high  rank 
and  great  prestige,  like  Grant,  would  be  preferable  as 
Rosecrans's  successor  to  one  who  had  hitherto  com 
manded  in  the  East  alone. 

The  army,  however,  had  its  own  candidate  for  Rose 
crans's  post.  General  Thomas  had  risen  to  the  high 
est  point  in  their  esteem,  as  he  had  in  that  of  every  one 
who  witnessed  his  conduct  on  that  unfortunate  and 
glorious  day,  and  I  saw  that,  should  there  be  a  change 
in  the  chief  command,  there  was  no  other  man  whose 
appointment  would  be  so  welcome.  I  earnestly  recom 
mended  Mr.  Stanton  that  in  event  of  a  change  in  the 
chief  command  Thomas's  merits  be  considered.  He 
was  certainly  an  officer  of  the  very  highest  qualities, 
soldierly  and  personally.  He  was  a  man  of  the  greatest 
dignity  of  character.  He  had  more  the  character  of 
George  Washington  than  any  other  man  I  ever  knew. 
At  the  same  time  he  was  a  delightful  man  to  be  with; 
there  was  no  artificial  dignity  about  Thomas.  He  was 
a  West  Point  graduate,  and  very  well  educated.  He 

124 


Removal  of  Rosecrans. 

was  very  set  in  his  opinions,  yet  he  was  not  impatient 
with  anybody — a  noble  character. 

In  reply  to  my  recommendation  of  Thomas,  I  re 
ceived  a  telegram  from  the  Secretary  of  War,  saying: 
"  I  wish  you  to  go  directly  to  see  General  Thomas,  and 
say  to  him  that  his  services,  his  abilities,  his  character, 
his  unselfishness,  have  always  been  most  cordially  appre 
ciated  by  me,  and  that  it  is  not  my  fault  that  he  has  not 
long  since  had  command  of  an  independent  army." 

Accordingly,  I  went  at  once  over  to  General  Thom 
as's  headquarters.  I  remember  that  I  got  there  just 
after  they  had  finished  dinner;  the  table  was  not  cleared 
off,  but  there  was  nobody  in  the  dining  room.  When 
General  Thomas  came  in,  I  read  to  him  the  telegram 
from  the  Secretary.  He  was  too  much  affected  by  it 
to  reply  immediately.  After  a  moment  he  said: 

"  Mr.  Dana,  I  wish  you  would  say  to  the  Secretary 
of  War  that  I  am  greatly  affected  by  this  expression 
of  his  confidence;  that  I  should  have  long  since  liked 
to  have  had  an  independent  command,  but  what  I 
should  have  desired  would  have  been  the  command  of 
an  army  that  I  could  myself  have  organized,  disciplined, 
distributed,  and  combined.  I  wish  you  would  add  also 
that  I  would  not  like  to  take  the  command  of  an  army 
where  I  should  be  exposed  to  the  imputation  of  having 
intrigued  or  of  having  exercised  any  effort  to  supplant 
my  previous  commander." 

This  was  on  October  4th.  Four  days  later  General 
Thomas  sent  a  confidential  friend  to  me,  saying  rumors 
had  come  to  him  that  he  was  to  be  put  in  Rosecrans's 
place;  that,  while  he  would  gladly  accept  any  other 

125 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

command  to  which  Mr.  Stanton  should  see  fit  to  assign 
him,  he  could  not  consent  to  become  the  successor  of 
General  Rosecrans.  He  would  not  do  anything  to  give 
countenance  to  the  suspicion  that  he  had  intrigued 
against  his  commander's  interest.  He  declared  that  he 
had  perfect  confidence  in  the  fidelity  and  capacity  of 
General  Rosecrans. 

The  first  change  in  the  Army  of  the  Cumberland  was 
an  order  from  Washington  consolidating  the  Twentieth 
and  Twenty-first  Corps.  The  news  reached  Chatta 
nooga  on  October  5th  in  a  Nashville  newspaper,  and, 
not  having  been  previously  promulgated,  it  caused  a 
sensation.  Crittenden  was  much  excited,  and  said  that, 
as  the  Government  no  longer  required  his  services,  he 
would  resign;  at  any  rate,  he  would  not  hibernate  like 
others,  drawing  pay  and  doing  no  work.  McCook  took 
it  easily.  The  consolidation  of  the  two  corps  was  gen 
erally  well  received,  and,  as  it  was  to  be  followed  by  a 
general  reorganization  of  the  army,  it  seemed  as  if  the 
most  happy  consequences  would  be  produced.  The 
only  serious  difficulty  which  followed  the  change  was 
that  the  men  in  the  consolidated  corps  were  troubled 
by  letters  from  home,  showing  that  their  friends  re 
garded  a  consolidation  as  a  token  of  disgrace  and  pun 
ishment. 

Although  the  reorganization  of  the  army  was  going 
on,  there  was  no  real  change  in  our  situation,  and  by 
the  middle  of  October  it  began  to  look  as  if  we  were 
in  a  helpless  and  precarious  position.  No  re-enforce 
ments  had  yet  reached  us,  the  enemy  was  growing 
stronger  every  day,  and,  worse  still,  we  were  threatened 

126 


The  Removal  of  Rosecrans. 

with  starvation.  Rosecrans's  error  in  abandoning  Look 
out  Mountain  to  the  enemy  on  September  24th  was 
now  apparent.  Our  supplies  came  by  rail  from  Nash 
ville  to  Bridgeport;  but  the  enemy  controlled  the  south 
shore  of  the  Tennessee  between  us  and  Bridgeport,  and 
thus  prevented  our  rebuilding  the  railroad  from  Bridge 
port  to  Chattanooga;  with  their  shore  batteries  they 
stopped  the  use  of  our  steamboats.  They  even  made 
the  road  on  the  north  shore  impassable,  the  sharp 
shooters  on  the  south  bank  being  able  to  pick  off  our 
men  on  the  north.  The  forage  and  supplies  which  we 
had  drawn  from  the  country  within  our  reach  were  now 
exhausted,  and  we  were  dependent  upon  what  could 
be  got  to  us  over  the  roads  north  of  the  river.  These 
were  not  only  disturbed  by  the  enemy,  but  were  so  bad 
in  places  that  the  mud  was  up  to  the  horses'  bellies. 
The  animals  themselves  had  become  too  weak  to  haul 
the  empty  train  up  the  mountain,  while  many  had  died 
of  starvation.  On  October  I5th  the  troops  were  on  half 
rations,  and  officers  as  they  went  about  where  the  men 
were  working  on  the  fortifications  frequently  heard  the 
cry  of  "  Crackers!  " 

In  the  midst  of  these  difficulties  General  Rosecrans 
seemed  to  be  insensible  to  the  impending  danger;  he 
dawdled  with  trifles  in  a  manner  which  scarcely  can  be 
imagined.  With  plenty  of  zealous  and  energetic  of 
ficers  ready  to  do  whatever  needed  to  be  done,  precious 
time  was  lost  because  our  dazed  and  mazy  commander 
could  not  perceive  the  catastrophe  that  was  close  upon 
us,  nor  fix  his  mind  upon  the  means  of  preventing  it. 
I  never  saw  anything  which  seemed  so  lamentable  and 

127 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

hopeless.  Our  animals  were  starving,  the  men  had 
starvation  before  them,  and  the  enemy  was  bound  soon 
to  make  desperate  efforts  to  dislodge  us.  Yet  the  com 
manding  general  devoted  that  part  of  the  time  which 
was  not  employed  in  pleasant  gossip  to  the  composition 
of  a  long  report  to  prove  that  the  Government  was  to 
blame  for  his  failure  on  the  2Oth. 

While  few  persons  exhibited  more  estimable  social 
qualities,  I  have  never  seen  a  public  man  possessing 
talent  with  less  administrative  power,  less  clearness  and 
steadiness  in  difficulty,  and  greater  practical  incapacity 
than  General  Rosecrans.  He  had  inventive  fertility  and 
knowledge,  but  he  had  no  strength  of  will  and  no  con 
centration  of  purpose.  His  mind  scattered;  there  was 
no  system  in  the  use  of  his  busy  days  and  restless  nights, 
no  courage  against  individuals  in  his  composition,  and, 
with  great  love  of  command,  he  was  a  feeble  commander. 
He  was  conscientious  and  honest,  just  as  he  was  im 
perious  and  disputatious;  always  with  a  stray  vein  of 
caprice  and  an  overweening  passion  for  the  approbation 
of  his  personal  friends  and  the  public  outside. 

Although  the  army  had  been  reorganized  as  a  result 
of  the  consolidation  of  the  Twentieth  and  Twenty-first 
Corps,  it  was  still  inefficient  and  its  discipline  defective. 
The  former  condition  proceeded  from  the  fact  that  Gen 
eral  Rosecrans  insisted  on  directing  personally  every 
department,  and  kept  every  one  waiting  and  uncertain 
till  he  himself  could  directly  supervise  every  operation. 
The  latter  proceeded  from  his  utter  lack  of  firmness,  his 
passion  for  universal  applause,  and  his  incapacity  to 
hurt  any  man's  feelings  by  just  severity. 

128 


The  Removal  of  Rosecrans. 

My  opinion  of  Rosecrans  and  my  fears  that  the  army 
would  soon  be  driven  from  Chattanooga  by  starvation, 
if  not  by  the  Confederates,  I  had  reiterated  in  my  letters 
to  Mr.  Stanton.  On  the  morning  of  October  igth  I 
received  a  dispatch  from  Mr.  Stanton,  sent  from  Wash 
ington  on  October  i6th,  asking  me  to  meet  him  that 
day  at  the  Gait  House  in  Louisville.  I  wired  him  that, 
unless  he  ordered  to  the  contrary,  Rosecrans  would  re 
treat  at  once  from  Chattanooga,  and  then  I  started  for 
Louisville.  It  was  a  hard  trip  by  horseback  over 
Walden's  Ridge  and  through  Jasper  to  Bridgeport,  and 
the  roads  were  not  altogether  safe.  Ten  days  before 
this,  in  riding  along  the  edge  of  a  bank  near  the  river 
shore,  the  earth  had  given  way  under  my  horse's  hind 
feet,  and  he  and  I  had  been  tumbled  together  down  a 
bank,  about  fourteen  feet  high;  we  rolled  over  each 
other  in  the  sand  at  the  bottom.  I  got  off  with  no  worse 
injury  than  a  bruise  of  my  left  shoulder  and  a  slight 
crack  on  the  back  of  my  head  from  the  horse's  hind 
foot,  which  made  the  blood  run  a  little.  The  roads 
over  Walden  Ridge  and  along  the  river  were  even  worse 
now  than  when  I  got  my  tumble,  and,  besides,  they 
were  filled  with  wagons  trying  to  get  supplies  to  Chat 
tanooga.  It  took  at  that  time  ten  days  for  wagon  teams 
to  go  from  Stevenson,  where  we  had  a  depot,  to  Chat 
tanooga.  Though  subsistence  stores  were  so  nearly  ex 
hausted,  the  wagons  were  compelled  to  throw  over 
board  portions  of  their  precious  cargo  in  order  to  get 
through.  The  returning  trains  were  blockaded.  On  the 
1 7th  of  October  five  hundred  teams  were  halted  be 
tween  the  mountain  and  the  river  without  forage  for 
10  129 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

the  animals,  and  unable  to  move  in  any  direction;  the 
whole  road  was  strewn  with  dead  animals. 

The  railway  from  Bridgeport  to  Nashville  was  not 
much  more  comfortable  or  safer  than  the  road.  Early 
in  the  month  I  had  gone  to  Nashville  on  business,  and 
had  come  back  in  a  tremendous  storm  in  a  train  of 
eighteen  cars  crowded  with  soldiers,  and  was  twenty- 
six  hours  on  the  road  instead  of  ten.  On  the  present 
trip,  however,  I  got  along  very  well  until  within  about 
eight  miles  from  Nashville,  when  our  train  narrowly 
escaped  destruction.  A  tie  had  been  inserted  in  a 
cattle  guard  to  throw  the  train  down  an  embankment, 
but  it  had  been  calculated  for  a  train  going  south,  so 
that  ours  simply  broke  it  off.  From  what  we  learned 
afterward,  we  thought  it  was  intended  for  a  train  on 
which  it  was  supposed  General  Grant  was  going  to 
Bridgeport. 

My  train  was  bound  through  to  Louisville.  Indeed, 
I  think  there  was  no  one  with  me  except  the  train  hands 
and  the  engineer.  We  reached  Nashville  about  ten 
o'clock  on  the  night  of  October  2Oth,  and  there  were 
halted.  Directly  there  came  in  an  officer — I  think  it 
was  Lieutenant-Colonel  Bowers,  of  General  Grant's  staff 
— who  said: 

"  General  Grant  wants  to  see  you." 

This  was  the  first  that  I  knew  Grant  was  in  Ten 
nessee.  I  got  out  of  my  train  and  went  over  to  his.  I 
hadn't  seen  him  since  we  parted  at  Vicksburg. 

"  I  am  going  to  interfere  with  your  journey,  Mr. 
Dana,"  he  said  as  soon  as  I  came  in.  "  I  have  got  the 
Secretary's  permission  to  take  you  back  with  me  to 

130 


The  Removal  of  Rosecrans. 

Chattanooga.     I  want  you  to  dismiss  your  train  and 
get  in  mine;  we  will  give  you  comfortable  quarters." 

"  General,"  I  said,  "  did  you  ask  the  Secretary  to 
let  me  go  back  with  you?  " 

"  I  did,"  he  said;  "  I  wanted  to  have  you." 
So,  of  course,  I  went.  On  the  way  down  he  told 
me  that  he  had  been  appointed  to  the  command  of  the 
"  Military  Division  of  the  Mississippi,"  with  permission 
to  leave  Rosecrans  in  command  of  the  Department  of 
the  Cumberland  or  to  assign  Thomas  in  his  place.  He 
had  done  the  latter,  he  said,  and  had  telegraphed 
Thomas  to  take  charge  of  the  army  the  night  after  Stan- 
ton,  at  Louisville,  had  received  my  dispatch  of  the  I9th 
saying  Rosecrans  would  retreat  from  Chattanooga  un 
less  ordered  to  remain.  Rosecrans  was  assigned  to  the 
Department  of  the  Missouri,  with  headquarters  at  St. 
Louis. 


CHAPTER  X. 

CHATTANOOGA   AND    MISSIONARY   RIDGE. 

Thomas  succeeds  Rosecrans  in  the  Army  of  the  Cumberland — Grant 
supreme  at  Chattanooga — A  visit  to  the  army  at  Knoxville — A 
Tennessee  Unionist's  family — Impressions  of  Burnside — Grant 
against  Bragg  at  Chattanooga — The  most  spectacular  fighting  of 
the  war — Watching  the  first  day's  battle — With  Sherman  the  sec 
ond  day — The  moonlight  fight  on  Lookout  Mountain — Sheridan's 
whisky  flask — The  third  day's  victory  and  the  glorious  spectacle 
it  afforded — The  relief  of  General  Burnside. 

WITH  Grant  I  left  Nashville  for  the  front  on  the 
morning  of  the  2ist.  We  arrived  safe  in  Bridgeport  in 
the  evening.  The  next  morning,  October  22d,  we  left 
on  horseback  for  Chattanooga  by  way  of  Jasper  and 
Walden's  Ridge.  The  roads  were  in  such  a  condition 
that  it  was  impossible  for  Grant,  who  was  on  crutches 
from  an  injury  to  his  leg  received  by  the  fall  of  a  horse 
in  New  Orleans  some  time  before,  to  make  the  whole 
distance  of  fifty-five  miles  in  one  day,  so  I  pushed  on 
ahead,  running  the  rebel  picket  lines,  and  reaching 
Chattanooga  in  the  evening  in  company  with  Colonel 
Wilson,  Grant's  inspector  general. 

The  next  morning  I  went  to  see  General  Thomas;  it 
was  not  an  official  visit,  but  a  friendly  one,  such  a  visit 
as  I  very  often  made  on  the  generals.  When  we  had 
shaken  hands,  he  said: 

"  Mr.  Dana,  you  have  got  me  this  time;  but  there 

132 


Chattanooga  and  Missionary  Ridge. 

is  nothing  for  a  man  to  do  in  such  a  case  as  this  but  to 
obey  orders." 

This  was  in  allusion  to  his  assignment  to  the  com 
mand  of  the  Army  of  the  Cumberland.  The  change  in 
command  was  received  with  satisfaction  by  all  intelli 
gent  officers,  so  far  as  I  could  ascertain,  though,  of 
course,  Rosecrans  had  many  friends  who  were  unable 
to  conceive  why  he  was  relieved.  They  reported  that 
he  was  to  be  put  in  command  of  the  Army  of  the  Poto 
mac.  The  change  at  headquarters  was  already  strik 
ingly  perceptible,  order  prevailing  instead  of  universal 
chaos. 

On  the  evening  of  the  23d  Grant  arrived,  as  I  stated 
in  my  dispatch  to  Mr.  Stanton,  "  wet,  dirty,  and  well." 
The  next  morning  he  was  out  with  Thomas  and  Smith 
to  reconnoiter  a  position  which  the  latter  general  had 
discovered  at  the  mouth  of  Lookout  Valley,  which  he 
believed,  if  it  could  be  taken  possession  of  and  at  the 
same  time  if  Raccoon  Mountain  could  be  occupied, 
would  give  us  Lookout  Valley,  and  so  enable  us  again 
to  bring  supplies  up  the  river.  In  preparation  for  this 
movement,  Smith  had  been  getting  bridges  ready  to 
throw  across  the  river  at  the  mouth  of  the  valley,  and 
been  fitting  up  a  steamer  to  use  for  supplies  when  we 
should  control  the  river. 

The  Confederates  at  that  time  were  massed  in  Chat 
tanooga  Valley,  south  of  Chattanooga.  They  held  Mis 
sionary  Ridge  to  the  east,  and  Lookout  Mountain  to 
the  west.  They  had  troops  in  Lookout  Valley  also,  and 
their  pickets  extended  westward  over  Raccoon  Moun 
tain  to  the  river.  South  of  the  river,  at  Brown's  Ferry, 

133 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

were  several  low  mamelons.  Smith's  idea  was  to  sur 
prise  the  Confederate  pickets  here  at  night  and  seize 
the  position  in  time  to  unite  with  Hooker,  who  in  the 
meantime  should  be  ordered  up  from  Bridgeport  by 
way  of  Shellmound,  Whiteside,  and  Wauhatchie.  That 
night  Grant  gave  orders  for  the  movement;  in  fact,  he 
began  it  by  sending  Palmer's  division  across  Walden's 
Ridge  to  Rankin's  Ferry,  where  he  was  to  cross  and 
occupy  Shellmound,  thus  guarding  Hooker's  rear. 
Hooker  he  ordered  to  march  from  Bridgeport  on  the 
morning  of  the  26th. 

I  went  to  Bridgeport  on  the  25th  to  observe  Hook 
er's  movement,  but  found  he  was  not  there,  and  would 
not  be  ready  to  march  the  next  morning  as  ordered. 
Hooker  came  up  from  Stevenson  to  Bridgeport  on  the 
evening  of  the  26th.  He  was  in  an  unfortunate  state  of 
mind  for  one  who  had  to  co-operate — fault-finding  and 
criticising.  No  doubt  it  was  true  that  the  chaos  of  the 
Rosecrans  administration  was  as  bad  as  he  described 
it  to  be,  but  he  was  quite  as  truculent  toward  the  plan 
that  he  was  now  to  execute  as  toward  the  impotence  and 
confusion  of  the  old  regime.  By  the  next  morning  he 
was  ready  to  start,  and  the  troops  moved  out  for  Shell- 
mound  about  half  past  six.  By  half  past  four  in  the 
afternoon  we  arrived  at  Whiteside  Valley;  thence  the 
march  was  directly  to  Wauhatchie.  Here  there  was  an 
insignificant  skirmish,  which  did  not  stop  us  long.  By 
the  afternoon  of  the  28th  we  were  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Lookout  Valley,  where  we  found  that  General  Smith, 
by  an  operation  whose  brilliancy  can  not  be  exag 
gerated,  had  taken  the  mamelons  south  of  the  river. 

134 


Chattanooga  and  Missionary  Ridge. 

The  only  serious  opposition  to  our  occupancy  of  the 
position  came  that  night,  but  the  enemy  was  success 
fully  repulsed. 

Our  forces  now  held  Lookout  Valley  and  controlled 
the  river  from  Brown's  Ferry  to  Bridgeport.  The  next 
day  supplies  were  started  up  the  river.  At  first  they 
came  no  farther  than  Kelley's  Ferry,  which  was  about 
ten  miles  from  Chattanooga.  This  was  because  the 
steamer  at  Bridgeport  could  not  get  through  the  Suck, 
an  ugly  pass  in  the  mountains  through  which  the  river 
runs;  but  on  the  night  of  the  3Oth  we  succeeded  in 
getting  our  steamer  at  Chattanooga  past  the  pickets 
on  Lookout  Mountain  and  down  to  Brown's  Ferry. 
She  could  pass  the  Suck,  and  after  that  supplies  came 
by  water  to  Brown's  Ferry. 

Within  a  week  after  Grant's  arrival  we  were  receiv 
ing  supplies  daily.  There  was  no  further  danger  of  the 
Army  of  the  Cumberland  being  starved  out  of  Chatta 
nooga.  The  Confederates  themselves  at  once  recog 
nized  this,  for  a  copy  of  the  Atlanta  Appeal  of  Novem 
ber  3d  which  reached  me  said  that  if  we  were  not 
dislodged  from  Lookout  Valley  our  possession  of  Chat 
tanooga  was  secure  for  the  winter. 

It  was  now  certain  that  we  could  hold  Chattanooga; 
but  until  Sherman  reached  us  we  could  do  nothing 
against  the  enemy  and  nothing  to  relieve  Burnside,  who 
had  been  ordered  to  unite  with  Rosecrans  in  August, 
but  had  never  got  beyond  Knoxville.  He  was  shut  up 
there  much  in  the  same  way  as  we  were  in  Chattanooga, 
and  it  was  certain  that  the  Confederates  were  sending 
forces  against  him. 

135 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

The  day  after  Grant  arrived  we  had  good  evidence 
that  the  Confederates  were  moving  in  large  force  to 
the  northeastward  of  Chattanooga,  for  heavy  railroad 
trains  went  out  in  that  direction  and  light  ones  returned. 
Deserters  to  us  on  the  morning  of  the  25th  reported 
that  a  large  force  was  at  Charleston,  Tenn.,  and  that 
fully  five  thousand  mounted  infantry  had  crossed  the 
Tennessee  River  above  Washington.  That  night  it  was 
noticed  that  the  pickets  on  Lookout  Mountain,  and 
even  down  into  the  valley  on  the  Chattanooga  side, 
were  much  diminished.  We  judged  from  this  that  the 
enemy  had  withdrawn  both  from  the  top  of  the  moun 
tain  and  from  the  valley.  There  were  other  rumors  of 
their  movements  toward  Burnside  during  the  next  few 
days,  and  on  November  6th  some  definite  information 
came  through  a  deserter,  a  Northern  man  who  had 
lived  in  Georgia  before  the  war  and  had  been  forced 
into  the  service.  He  reported  that  two  divisions  had 
moved  up  the  Tennessee  some  time  ago,  and  confirmed 
our  suspicion  that  the  troops  had  been  withdrawn 
from  Lookout  Mountain.  He  said  it  was  well  under 
stood  among  the  Confederates  that  these  forces 
were  going  by  way  of  Loudon  to  join  those  which 
had  already  gone  up  the  river,  to  co-operate  with  a 
force  of  Lee's  army  in  driving  Burnside  out  of  East 
Tennessee. 

Grant's  first  move  to  meet  this  plan  of  the  enemy 
was  to  direct  Sherman,  who  had  been  trying  to  rebuild 
and  hold  the  railroad  from  Memphis  as  he  marched 
forward,  to  abandon  this  work  and  hasten  up  to  Ste 
venson.  Grant  then  considered  what  movement  could 


Chattanooga  and  Missionary  Ridge. 

be  made  which  would  compel  the  enemy  to  recall  the 
troops  sent  against  Burnside. 

Grant  was  so  anxious  to  know  the  real  condition  of 
Burnside  that  he  asked  me  to  go  to  Knoxville  and 
find  out.  So  on  November  Qth  I  started,  accompanied 
by  Colonel  Wilson  of  Grant's  staff.  The  way  in  which 
such  a  trip  as  this  of  Wilson  and  mine  was  managed 
in  those  days  is  told  in  this  letter  to  a  child,  written  just 
before  we  left  Chattanooga  for  Knoxville: 

I  expect  to  go  all  the  way  on  horseback,  and  it  will 
take  about  five  days.  About  seventy  horsemen  will  go 
along  with  their  sabers  and  carbines  to  keep  off  the 
guerillas.  Our  baggage  we  shall  have  carried  on  pack 
mules.  These  are  funny  little  rats  of  creatures,  with  the 
big  panniers  fastened  to  their  sides  to  carry  their  bur 
dens  in.  I  shall  put  my  bed  in  one  pannier  and  my 
carpet  bag  and  India-rubber  things  in  the  other.  Colo 
nel  Wilson,  who  is  to  go  with  me,  will  have  another 
mule  for  his  traps,  and  a  third  will  carry  the  bread  and 
meat  and  coffee  that  we  are  to  live  on.  At  night  we 
shall  halt  in  some  nice  shady  nook  where  there  is  a 
spring,  build  a  big  roaring  fire,  cook  our  supper,  spread 
our  blankets  on  the  ground,  and  sleep  with  our  feet 
toward  the  fire,  while  half  a  dozen  of  the  soldiers,  with 
their  guns  ready  loaded,  watch  all  about  to  keep  the 
rebels  at  a  safe  distance.  Then  in  the  morning  we  shall 
first  wake  up,  then  wash  our  faces,  get  our  breakfasts, 
and  march  on,  like  John  Brown's  soul,  toward  our 
destination.  How  long  I  shall  stay  at  Knoxville  is  un 
certain,  but  I  hope  not  very  long — though  it  must  be 
very  charming  in  that  country  of  mountains  and  rivers 
— and  then  I  shall  pray  for  orders  that  will  take  me 
home  again. 

We  were  not  obliged  to  camp  out  every  night  on  this 
trip.    One  evening,  just  about  supper  time,  we  reached 

137 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

a  large  stone  house,  the  home  of  a  farmer.  The  man, 
we  found,  was  a  strong  Unionist,  and  he  gave  us  a 
hearty  invitation  to  occupy  his  premises.  Our  escort 
took  possession  of  the  barn  for  sleeping,  and  we  cooked 
our  supper  in  the  yard,  the  family  lending  us  a  table  and 
sending  us  out  fresh  bread.  After  supper  Wilson  and  I 
were  invited  into  the  house,  where  the  farmer  listened 
eagerly  to  the  news  of  the  Union  army.  There  were 
two  or  three  young  and  very  pretty  girls  in  the  farmer's 
family,  and  while  we  talked  they  dipped  snuff,  a  peculiar 
custom  that  I  had  seen  but  once  or  twice  before. 

We  reached  Knoxville  on  the  I3th,  and  I  at  once 
went  to  headquarters  to  talk  over  the  situation  with 
Burnside.  This  was  the  first  time  I  had  met  that  gen 
eral.  He  was  rather  a  large  man  physically,  about  six 
feet  tall,  with  a  large  face  and  a  small  head,  and  heavy 
side  whiskers.  He  was  an  energetic,  decided  man,  frank, 
manly,  and  well  educated.  He  was  a  very  showy  officer 
— not  that  he  made  any  show;  he  was  naturally  that. 
When  he  first  talked  with  you,  you  would  think  he  had 
a  great  deal  more  intelligence  than  he  really  possessed. 
You  had  to  know  him  some  time  before  you  really  took 
his  measure. 

I  found  that  Burnside's  forces,  something  like  thirty- 
three  thousand  men  of  all  arms,  were  scattered  all  the 
way  from  Kentucky,  by  Cumberland  Gap,  down  to 
Knoxville.  In  and  about  Knoxville  he  had  not  con 
centrated  more  than  twelve  thousand  to  fourteen  thou 
sand  men.  The  town  was  fortified,  though  unable  to 
resist  an  attack  by  a  large  force.  Up  to  this  time  Burn- 
side  and  his  army  had  really  been  very  well  off,  for  he 

138 


Chattanooga  and  Missionary  Ridge. 

had  commanded  a  rich  region  behind  Knoxville,  and 
thence  had  drawn  food  and  forage.  He  even  had  about 
one  hundred  miles  of  railroad  in  active  operation  for 
foraging,  and  he  had  plenty  of  mills  and  workshops  in 
the  town  which  he  could  use. 

After  a  detailed  conversation  with  Burnside,  I  con 
cluded  that  there  was  no  reason  to  believe  that  any 
force  had  been  sent  from  Lee's  army  to  attack  him  on 
the  northeast,  as  we  had  heard  in  Chattanooga,  but  that 
it  was  certain  that  Longstreet  was  approaching  from 
Chattanooga  with  thirty  thousand  troops.  Burnside 
said  that  he  would  be  unable  long  to  resist  such  an  at 
tack,  and  that  if  Grant  did  not  succeed  in  making  a 
demonstration  which  would  compel  Longstreet  to  re 
turn  he  must  retreat. 

If  compelled  to  retreat,  he  proposed,  he  said,  to  fol 
low  the  line  of  Cumberland  Gap,  and  to  hold  Morris- 
town  and  Bean's  Station.  At  these  points  he  would  be 
secure  against  any  force  the  enemy  could  bring  against 
him;  he  would  still  be  able  to  forage  over  a  large  ex 
tent  of  country  on  the  south  and  east,  he  could  prevent 
the  repair  of  the  railroads  by  the  rebels,  and  he  would 
still  have  an  effective  hold  on  East  Tennessee. 

A  few  hours  after  this  talk  with  Burnside,  about  one 
o'clock  in  the  morning  of  the  I4th,  a  report  reached 
Knoxville  that  completely  upset  his  plan  for  retreating 
by  Cumberland  Gap.  This  was  the  news  that  the  ene 
my  had  commenced  building  bridges  across  the  Ten 
nessee  near  Loudon,  only  about  twenty-five  miles  south 
of  Knoxville.  Burnside  immediately  decided  that  he 
must  retreat;  and  he  actually  dictated  orders  for  draw- 

139 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

ing  his  whole  army  south  of  the  Holston  into  Blount 
County,  where  all  his  communications  would  have  been 
cut  off,  and  where  on  his  own  estimate  he  could  not 
have  subsisted  more  than  three  weeks.  General  Parke 
argued  against  this  in  vain,  but  finally  Colonel  Wilson 
overcame  it  by  representing  that  Grant  did  not  wish 
Burnside  to  include  the  capture  of  his  entire  army 
among  the  plans  of  his  operations.  He  then  deter 
mined  to  retreat  toward  the  gaps,  after  destroying  the 
workshops  and  mills  in  Knoxville  and  on  the  line  of 
his  march. 

Before  we  left,  however,  which  was  about  six  o'clock 
in  the  morning  of  the  I4th,  General  Burnside  had  begun 
to  feel  that  perhaps  he  might  not  be  obliged  to  pass 
the  mountains  and  abandon  East  Tennessee  entirely. 
He  had  even  decided  to  send  out  a  force  to  attack  the 
enemy's  advance.  When  Wilson  and  I  reached  Le- 
noir's  Station  that  morning  on  our  way  to  Chatta 
nooga,  we  discovered  that  the  enemy's  attack  was  not 
as  imminent  as  Burnside  feared.  Their  bridges  were 
not  complete,  and  no  artillery  or  cavalry  had  crossed. 
From  everything  I  could  learn  of  their  strength,  in  fact, 
it  seemed  to  me  that  there  was  a  reasonable  probability 
that  Burnside  would  be  able  to  hold  Knoxville  until  re 
lieved  by  operations  at  Chattanooga. 

We  found  that  our  departure  from  Knoxville  had 
been  none  too  soon.  So  completely  were  the  Confed 
erates  taking  possession  of  the  country  between  Knox 
ville  and  Chattanooga  that  had  we  delayed  a  single 
day  we  could  have  got  out  only  through  Cumberland 
Gap  or  that  of  Big  Creek.  We  were  four  days  in  return- 

140 


Chattanooga  and  Missionary  Ridge. 

ing,  and  Mr.  Stanton  became  very  uneasy,  as  I  learned 
from  this  dispatch  received  soon  after  my  return: 

WAR  DEPARTMENT, 
WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  November  19,  1863. 

Hon.  C.  A.  DANA,  Chattanooga. 

Your  dispatches  of  yesterday  are  received.  I  am 
rejoiced  that  you  have  got  safely  back.  My  anxiety 
about  you  for  several  days  had  been  very  great.  Make 
your  arrangements  to  remain  in  the  field  during  the 
winter.  Continue  your  reports  as  frequently  as  pos 
sible,  always  noting  the  hour. 

EDWIN  M.  STANTON. 

Colonel  Wilson  and  I  reached  Chattanooga  on  No 
vember  1 7th.  As  soon  as  I  arrived  I  went  to  Grant's 
and  Thomas's  headquarters  to  find  out  the  news.  There 
was  the  greatest  hopefulness  everywhere.  Sherman, 
they  told  me,  had  reached  Bridgeport,  and  a  plan  for 
attacking  Bragg's  position  was  complete  and  its  exe 
cution  begun  by  moving  a  division  of  Sherman's  army 
from  Bridgeport  to  Trenton,  where  it  ought  to  arrive 
that  day,  threatening  the  enemy  by  Stevens's  Gap.  The 
remainder  of  that  army  was  to  move  into  Lookout 
Valley  by  way  of  Whiteside,  extending  its  lines  up 
the  valley  toward  Trenton,  as  if  to  repeat  the  flanking 
movement  of  Rosecrans  when  he  followed  Bragg  across 
the  Tennessee.  Having  drawn  the  enemy's  attention  to 
that  quarter,  Sherman  was  to  disappear  on  the  night 
of  the  1 8th  and  encamp  his  forces  behind  the  ridge  of 
hills  north  of  the  Tennessee,  opposite  to  Chattanooga, 
and  keep  them  there  out  of  sight  of  the  enemy  during 
the  i  Qth.  That  same  night  a  bridge  was  to  be  thrown 
across  the  river  just  below  the  mouth  of  Chickamauga 

141 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

Creek,  so  that  on  Saturday  morning,  November  2Oth, 
Sherman's  command  would  be  across  before  daylight,  if 
possible.  As  soon  as  over  he  was  to  push  for  the  head 
of  Missionary  Ridge,  and  there  engage  the  enemy. 

At  the  same  time  that  Sherman's  wing  advanced, 
Granger,  with  about  eighteen  thousand  men,  was  to 
move  up  on  the  left  of  the  Chattanooga  lines  and  en 
gage  the  Confederate  right  with  all  possible  vigor. 
Hooker,  who  had  been  in  the  Lookout  Valley  ever  since 
he  joined  the  army  in  November,  was  to  attack  the 
head  of  Lookout  Mountain  simultaneously  with  Sher 
man's  attack  at  the  head  of  Missionary  Ridge,  and,  if 
practicable,  to  carry  the  mountain. 

It  is  almost  never  possible  to  execute  a  campaign 
as  laid  out,  especially  when  it  requires  so  many  con 
certed  movements  as  this  one.  Thus,  instead  of  all  of 
Sherman's  army  crossing  the  Tennessee  on  the  night 
of  the  1 8th,  and  getting  out  of  sight  as  expected  be 
hind  the  hills  that  night,  a  whole  corps  was  left  behind 
at  daylight,  and  one  division  had  to  march  down  the 
valley  on  the  morning  of  the  2Oth  in  full  view  of  the 
enemy,  who  now  understood,  of  course,  that  he  was  to 
be  attacked.  Bragg  evidently  did  not  care  to  risk  a 
battle,  for  he  tried  to  alarm  Grant  that  afternoon  by 
sending  a  flag  over,  and  with  it  a  letter,  saying,  "  As 
there  may  still  be  some  non-combatants  in  Chattanooga, 
I  deem  it  proper  to  notify  you  that  prudence  would 
dictate  their  early  withdrawal."  Of  course,  we  all  knew 
this  was  a  bluff. 

On  the  morning  of  the  2Oth  a  heavy  rain  began, 
which  lasted  two  days  and  made  the  roads  so  bad  that 

142 


Chattanooga  and  Missionary  Ridge. 

Sherman's  advance  was  almost  stopped.  His  march 
was  still  further  retarded  by  a  singular  blunder  which  had 
been  committed  in  moving  his  forces  from  Bridgeport. 
Instead  of  moving  all  the  troops  and  artillery  first, 
the  numerous  trains  which  had  been  brought  from  West 
Tennessee  were  sent  in  front  rather  than  in  rear  of  each 
division.  Grant  said  the  blunder  was  his;  that  he  should 
have  given  Sherman  explicit  orders  to  leave  his  wagons 
behind;  but  no  one  was  so  much  astonished  as  Grant 
on  learning  that  they  had  not  been  left,  even  without 
such  orders. 

Owing  to  these  unforeseen  circumstances,  Sher 
man's  rear  was  so  far  behind  on  the  morning  of  the 
23d,  three  days  after  Grant  had  planned  for  the  attack, 
that  it  was  doubtful  whether  he  could  be  ready  to  join 
the  movement  the  next  day,  November  24th.  It  was 
also  feared  that  the  enemy,  who  had  seen  the  troops 
march  through  Lookout  Valley  and  then  disappear, 
might  have  discovered  where  they  were  concealed,  and 
thus  surmise  our  movements. 

On  account  of  these  hitches  in  carrying  out  the 
operations  as  speedily  as  Grant  had  hoped,  it  was  not 
until  November  23d  that  the  first  encounter  in  the  bat 
tle  of  Chattanooga  occurred.  It  was  the  beginning  of 
the  most  spectacular  military  operations  I  ever  saw — 
operations  extending  over  three  days  and  full  of  the 
most  exciting  incidents. 

Our  army  lay  to  the  south  and  east  of  the  town  of 
Chattanooga,  the  river  being  at  our  back.  Facing  us,  in 
a  great  half  circle,  and  high  above  us  on  Lookout  Moun 
tain  and  Missionary  Ridge,  were  the  Confederates.  Our 

143 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

problem  was  to  drive  them  from  these  heights.  We 
had  got  our  men  well  together,  all  the  re-enforcements 
were  up,  and  now  we  were  to  strike. 

The  first  thing  Grant  tried  to  do  was  to  clear  out 
the  Confederate  lines  which  were  nearest  to  ours  on  the 
plain  south  of  Chattanooga,  and  to  get  hold  of  two  bald 
knobs,  or  low  hills,  where  Bragg's  forces  had  their  ad 
vance  guard.  As  the  entire  field  where  this  attack  was 
to  be  made  was  distinctly  visible  from  one  of  our  forts, 
I  went  there  on  the  23d  with  the  generals  to  watch  the 
operations.  The  troops  employed  for  the  attack  were 
under  the  immediate  orders  of  Gordon  Granger.  There 
were  some  capital  officers  under  Granger,  among  them 
Sheridan,  Hazen,  and  T.  J.  Wood.  Just  before  one 
o'clock  the  men  moved  out  of  their  intrenchments,  and 
remained  in  line  for  three  quarters  of  an  hour  in  full  view 
of  the  enemy.  The  spectacle  was  one  of  singular  mag 
nificence. 

Our  point  of  view  was  Fort  Wood.  Usually  in  a 
battle  one  sees  only  a  little  corner  of  what  is  going  on, 
the  movements  near  where  you  happen  to  be;  but  in 
the  battle  of  Chattanooga  we  had  the  whole  scene  be 
fore  us.  At  last,  everything  being  ready,  Granger  gave 
the  order  to  advance,  and  three  brigades  of  men  pushed 
out  simultaneously.  The  troops  advanced  rapidly,  with 
all  the  precision  of  a  review,  the  flags  flying  and  the 
bands  playing.  The  first  sign  of  a  battle  one  noticed 
was  the  fire  spitting  out  of  the  rifles  of  the  skirmishers. 
The  lines  moved  steadily  along,  not  halting  at  all,  the 
skirmishers  all  the  time  advancing  in  front,  firing  and 
receiving  fire. 

144 


Chattanooga  and  Missionary  Ridge. 

The  first  shot  was  fired  at  two  o'clock,  and  in  five 
minutes  Hazen's  skirmishers  were  briskly  engaged,  while 
the  artillery  of  Forts  Wood  and  Thomas  was  opening 
upon  the  rebel  rifle-pits  and  camps  behind  the  line  of 
fighting.  The  practice  of  our  gunners  was  splendid,  but 
it  elicited  no  reply  from  the  camps  and  batteries  of  the 
enemy,  about  a  mile  and  three  quarters  distant;  and  it 
was  soon  evident  that  the  Confederates  had  no  heavy 
artillery,  in  that  part  of  their  lines  at  least.  Our  troops, 
rapidly  advancing  toward  the  knobs  upon  which  they 
were  directed,  occupied  them  at  twenty  minutes  past 
two.  Ten  minutes  later  Samuel  Beatty,  who  com 
manded  a  brigade,  driving  forward  across  an  open 
field,  carried  the  rifle-pits  in  his  front,  the  occupants 
fleeing  as  they  fired  their  last  volley;  and  Sheridan, 
moving  through  the  forest  which  stretched  before  him, 
drove  in  the  enemy's  pickets.  Sheridan  halted  his  ad 
vance,  in  obedience  to  orders,  on  reaching  the  rifle-pits, 
where  the  rebel  force  was  waiting  for  his  attack.  No 
such  attack  was  made,  however,  the  design  being  to 
secure  only  the  height.  The  entire  movement  was 
carried  out  in  such  an  incredibly  short  time  that  at  half 
past  three  I  was  able  to  send  a  telegram  to  Mr.  Stan- 
ton  describing  the  victory. 

We  took  about  two  hundred  prisoners,  mostly  Ala 
bama  troops,  and  had  gained  a  position  which  would 
be  of  great  importance  should  the  enemy  still  attempt 
to  hold  the  Chattanooga  Valley.  With  these  heights 
in  our  possession,  a  column  marching  to  turn  Mission 
ary  Ridge  was  secure  from  flank  attack.  The  Confed 
erates  fired  three  small  guns  only  during  the  affair,  and 
ii  145 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

that  tended  to  confirm  the  impression  that  they  had 
withdrawn  their  main  force.  About  four  o'clock  in  the 
afternoon  the  enemy  opened  fire  from  the  top  of  Mis 
sionary  Ridge,  the  total  number  of  cannon  they  dis 
played  being  about  twelve,  but  nothing  was  developed 
to  show  decisively  whether  they  would  fight  or  flee. 
Grant  thought  the  latter;  other  judicious  officers  the 
former. 

That  evening  I  left  Chattanooga  to  join  General 
Sherman,  who  had  his  troops  north  of  the  river  con 
cealed  behind  the  hills,  and  ready  to  attempt  to  cross 
the  Tennessee  that  very  night,  so  as  to  be  able  to  at 
tack  the  east  head  of  Missionary  Ridge  on  the  night  of 
the  24th  or  the  morning  of  the  25th. 

Sherman  had  some  twenty-five  thousand  men,  and 
crossing  them  over  a  river  as  wide  and  rapid  as  the  Ten 
nessee  was  above  Chattanooga  seemed  to  me  a  serious 
task,  and  I  watched  the  operations  of  the  night  with 
great  curiosity.  The  first  point  was  to  get  a  sufficient 
body  of  troops  on  the  south  bank  to  hold  a  position 
against  the  enemy  (the  Confederates  had  pickets  for  a 
long  distance  up  and  down  the  Tennessee,  above  Chat 
tanooga),  and  then  from  there  commence  building  the 
pontoon  bridge  by  which  the  bulk  of  the  men  were  to 
be  got  over. 

About  one  o'clock  in  the  morning  the  pontoon  boats, 
which  had  been  sent  up  the  river  some  distance,  were 
filled  with  men  and  allowed  to  drop  down  to  the  point 
General  Sherman  had  chosen  for  the  south  end  of  his 
bridge.  They  landed  about  2.30  in  the  morning,  seized 
the  pickets,  and  immediately  began  to  fortify  their  posi- 

146 


Chattanooga  and  Missionary  Ridge. 

tion.  The  boats  in  the  meantime  were  sent  across  the 
river  to  bring  over  fresh  loads  of  men.  They  kept  this 
up  until  morning.  Then  a  small  steamer  which  Sher 
man  had  got  hold  of  came  up  and  began  to  bring  over 
troops.  At  daybreak  some  of  the  boats  were  taken 
from  the  ferrying  and  a  bridge  was  begun.  It  was  mar 
velous  with  what  vigor  the  work  went  on.  Sherman 
told  me  he  had  never  seen  anything  done  so  quietly 
and  so  well,  and  he  declared  later  in  his  report  that  he 
did  not  believe  the  history  of  war  could  show  a  bridge 
of  that  length — about  thirteen  hundred  and  fifty  feet — 
laid  down  so  noiselessly  and  in  so  short  a  time.  By 
one  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  (November  24th)  the  bridge 
was  done,  and  the  balance  of  his  forces  were  soon 
marching  briskly  across.  As  soon  as  Sherman  saw  that 
the  crossing  was  insured,  he  set  the  foremost  of  his 
column  in  motion  for  the  head  of  Missionary  Ridge. 
By  four  o'clock  he  had  gained  the  crest  of  the  ridge 
and  was  preparing  for  the  next  day's  battle. 

As  soon  as  I  saw  Sherman  in  position,  I  hurried  back 
to  Chattanooga.  I  reached  there  just  in  time  to  see  the 
famous  moonlight  battle  on  Lookout  Mountain.  The 
way  this  night  battle  happened  to  be  fought  was  that 
Hooker,  who  had  been  holding  Lookout  Valley,  had 
been  ordered  to  gain  a  foothold  on  Lookout  Mountain 
if  possible,  and  that  day,  while  I  was  with  Sherman,  had 
really  succeeded  in  scaling  the  side  of  the  mountain. 
But  his  possession  of  the  point  he  had  reached  had  been 
so  hotly  disputed  that  a  brigade  had  been  sent  from 
Chattanooga  to  aid  him.  These  troops  attacked  the 
Confederate  lines  on  the  eastern  slope  of  the  mountain 

147 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

about  eight  o'clock  that  evening.  A  full  moon  made 
the  battlefield  as  plain  to  us  in  the  valley  as  if  it  were 
day,  the  blaze  of  their  camp  fires  and  the  flashes  of  their 
guns  displaying  brilliantly  their  position  and  the  prog 
ress  of  their  advance.  No  report  of  the  result  was  re 
ceived  that  night,  but  the  next  morning  we  knew  that 
Bragg  had  evacuated  Lookout  Mountain  the  night  be 
fore,  and  that  our  troops  occupied  it. 

After  the  successes  of  the  two  days  a  decisive  battle 
seemed  inevitable,  and  orders  were  given  that  night 
for  a  vigorous  attack  the  next  morning.  I  was  up  early, 
sending  my  first  dispatch  to  Mr.  Stanton  at  half  past 
seven  o'clock.  As  the  result  of  the  operations  of  the 
day  before,  Grant  held  the  point  of  Lookout  Mountain 
on  the  southwest  and  the  crest  of  the  east  end  of  Mis 
sionary  Ridge,  and  his  line  was  continuous  between 
these  points.  As  the  result  of  the  movement  on  Novem 
ber  23d,  our  lines  in  front  had  been  advanced  to  Or 
chard  Knob.  The  bulk  of  the  Confederate  force  was 
intrenched  along  Missionary  Ridge,  five  to  six  hundred 
feet  above  us,  and  facing  our  center  and  left.  From 
Chattanooga  we  could  see  the  full  length  of  our  own 
and  the  enemy's  lines  spread  out  like  a  scene  in  a 
theater. 

About  nine  o'clock  the  battle  was  commenced  on 
Sherman's  line  on  our  left,  and  it  raged  furiously  all 
that  forenoon  both  east  of  Missionary  Ridge  and  along 
its  crest,  the  enemy  making  vigorous  efforts  to  crush 
Sherman  and  dislodge  him  from  his  position  on  the 
ridge.  All  day,  while  this  battle  was  going  on,  I  was  at 
Orchard  Knob,  where  Grant,  Thomas,  Granger,  and 

148 


Chattanooga  and  Missionary  Ridge. 

several  other  officers  were  observing  the  operations. 
The  enemy  kept  firing  shells  at  us,  I  remember,  from  the 
ridge  opposite.  They  had  got  the  range  so  well  that 
the  shells  burst  pretty  near  the  top  of  the  elevation 
where  we  were,  and  when  we  saw  them  coming  we 
would  duck — that  is,  everybody  did  except  Generals 
Grant  and  Thomas  and  Gordon  Granger.  It  was  not 
according  to  their  dignity  to  go  down  on  their  mar 
row  bones.  While  we  were  there  Granger  got  a  can 
non — how  he  got  it  I  do  not  know — and  he  would 
load  it  with  the  help  of  one  soldier  and  fire  it  himself 
over  at  the  ridge.  I  recollect  that  Rawlins  was  very 
much  disgusted  at  the  guerilla  operations  of  Granger, 
and  induced  Grant  to  order  him  to  join  his  troops 
elsewhere. 

As  we  thought  we  perceived,  soon  after  noon,  that 
the  enemy  had  sent  a  great  mass  of  their  troops  to  crush 
Sherman,  Grant  gave  orders  at  two  o'clock  for  an  as 
sault  upon  the  left  of  their  lines;  but  owing  to  the  fault 
of  Granger,  who  was  boyishly  intent  upon  firing  his 
gun  instead  of  commanding  his  corps,  Grant's  order  was 
not  transmitted  to  the  division  commanders  until  he 
repeated  it  an  hour  later. 

It  was  fully  four  o'clock  before  the  line  moved  out 
to  the  attack.  It  was  a  bright,  sunny  afternoon,  and, 
as  the  forces  marched  across  the  valley  in  front  of  us  as 
regularly  as  if  on  parade,  it  was  a  great  spectacle.  They 
took  with  ease  the  first  rifle-pits  at  the  foot  of  the  ridge 
as  they  had  been  ordered,  and  then,  to  the  amazement 
of  all  of  us  who  watched  on  Orchard  Knob,  they  moved 
out  and  up  the  steep  ahead  of  them,  and  before  we  real- 

149 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

ized  it  they  were  at  the  top  of  Missionary  Ridge.     It 
was  just  half  past  four  when  I  wired  to  Mr.  Stanton: 

Glory  to  God!  the  day  is  decisively  ours.  Mission 
ary  Ridge  has  just  been  carried  by  the  magnificent 
charge  of  Thomas's  troops,  and  the  rebels  routed. 

As  soon  as  Grant  saw  the  ridge  was  ours,  he  started 
for  the  front.  As  he  rode  the  length  of  the  lines,  the 
men,  who  were  frantic  with  joy  and  enthusiasm  over  the 
victory,  received  him  with  tumultuous  shouts.  The 
storming  of  the  ridge  by  our  troops  was  one  of  the 
greatest  miracles  in  military  history.  No  man  who 
climbs  the  ascent  by  any  of  the  roads  that  wind  along 
its  front  can  believe  that  eighteen  thousand  men  were 
moved  in  tolerably  good  order  up  its  broken  and  crumb 
ling  face  unless  it  was  his  fortune  to  witness  the  deed. 
It  seemed  as  awful  as  a  visible  interposition  of  God. 
Neither  Grant  nor  Thomas  intended  it.  Their  orders 
were  to  carry  the  rifle-pits  along  the  base  of  the  ridge 
and  capture  their  occupants;  but  when  this  was  accom 
plished,  the  unaccountable  spirit  of  the  troops  bore  them 
bodily  up  those  impracticable  steeps,  in  spite  of  the 
bristling  rifle-pits  on  the  crest,  and  the  thirty  cannons 
enfilading  every  gully.  The  order  to  storm  appears  to 
have  been  given  simultaneously  by  Generals  Sheridan 
and  Wood  because  the  men  were  not  to  be  held  back, 
dangerous  as  the  attempt  appeared  to  military  pru 
dence.  Besides,  the  generals  had  caught  the  inspira 
tion  of  the  men,  and  were  ready  themselves  to  under 
take  impossibilities. 

The  first  time  I  saw  Sheridan  after  the  battle  I  said 
to  him,  "  Why  did  you  go  up  there?  " 

150 


Chattanooga  and  Missionary  Ridge. 

"  When  I  saw  the  men  were  going  up,"  he  replied, 
"  I  had  no  idea  of  stopping  them;  the  rebel  pits  had 
been  taken  and  nobody  had  been  hurt,  and  after  they 
had  started  I  commanded  them  to  go  right  on.  I 
looked  up  at  the  head  of  the  ridge  as  I  was  going  up, 
and  there  I  saw  a  Confederate  general  on  horseback. 
I  had  a  silver  whisky  flask  in  my  pocket,  and  when  I 
saw  this  man  on  the  top  of  the  hill  I  took  out  my  flask 
and  waved  my  hand  toward  him,  holding  up  the  shin 
ing,  glittering  flask,  and  then  I  took  a  drink.  He 
waved  back  to  me,  and  then  the  whole  corps  went  up." 

All  the  evening  of  the  25th  the  excitement  of  the 
battle  continued.  Bragg  had  retreated  down  the  Chicka- 
mauga  Valley  and  was  burning  what  he  could  not  carry 
away,  so  that  the  east  was  lit  by  his  fires,  while  Sheridan 
continued  his  fight  along  the  east  slope  of  Missionary 
Ridge  until  nine  o'clock  in  the  evening.  It  was  a  bright 
moonlight  night,  and  we  could  see  most  of  the  opera 
tions  as  plainly  as  by  day.  The  next  morning  Bragg 
was  in  full  retreat.  I  went  to  Missionary  Ridge  in  the 
morning,  and  from  there  I  could  see  along  ten  miles 
of  Chickamauga  Valley  the  fires  of  the  depots  and 
bridges  he  was  burning  as  he  fled. 

At  intervals  throughout  the  day  I  sent  dispatches  to 
Washington,  where  they  were  eagerly  read,  as  the  fol 
lowing  telegram  sent  me  on  the  27th  shows: 


WAR  DEPARTMENT, 
WASHINGTON  CITY,  November  .27,  1863. 

Hon.  C.  A.  DANA,  Chattanooga,  Tenn.: 

The  Secretary  of  War  is  absent  and  the  President 
is  sick,  but  both  receive  your  dispatches  regularly  and 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

esteem  them  highly,  not  merely  because  they  are  re 
liable,  but  for  their  clearness  of  narrative  and  their 
graphic  pictures  of  the  stirring  events  they  describe. 

The  patient  endurance  and  spirited  valor  exhibited 
by  commanders  and  men  in  the  last  great  feat  of  arms, 
which  has  crowned  our  cause  with  such  a  glorious  suc 
cess,  is  making  all  of  us  hero  worshipers. 

P.  H.  WATSON, 
Acting  Secretary  of  War. 

The  enemy  was  now  divided.  Bragg  was  flying 
toward  Rome  and  Atlanta,  and  Longstreet  was  in  East 
Tennessee  besieging  Burnside.  Our  victorious  army 
was  between  them.  The  first  thought  was,  of  course,  to 
relieve  Burnside,  and  Grant  ordered  Granger  with  the 
Fourth  Corps  instantly  forward  to  his  aid,  taking  pains 
to  write  Granger  a  personal  letter,  explaining  the  ex 
igencies  of  the  case  and  the  imperative  need  of  energy. 
It  had  no  effect,  however,  in  hastening  the  movement, 
and  a  day  or  two  later  Grant  ordered  Sherman  to  as 
sume  command  of  all  the  forces  operating  from  the 
south  to  save  Knoxville.  Grant  became  imbued  with  a 
strong  prejudice  against  Granger  from  this  circum 
stance. 

As  any  movement  against  Bragg  was  impracticable 
at  that  season,  the  only  operations  possible  to  Grant, 
beyond  the  relief  of  Burnside,  were  to  hold  Chattanooga 
and  the  line  of  the  Hiwassee,  to  complete  and  protect 
the  railroads  and  the  steamboats  upon  the  Tennessee, 
and  to  amass  food,  forage,  and  ordnance  stores  for  the 
future.  But  all  this  would  require  only  a  portion  of 
the  forces  under  his  command;  and,  instead  of  holding 
the  remainder  in  winter  quarters,  he  evolved  a  plan  to 

152 


Chattanooga  and  Missionary  Ridge. 

employ  them  in  an  offensive  winter  campaign  against 
Mobile  and  the  interior  of  Alabama.  He  asked  me  to 
lay  his  plan  before  Mr.  Stanton,  and  urge  its  approval 
by  the  Government,  which,  of  course,  I  did  at  once  by 
telegraph. 

I  did  not  wait  at  Chattanooga  to  learn  the  decision 
of  the  Government  on  Grant's  plan,  but  left  on  Novem 
ber  29th,  again  with  Colonel  Wilson,  to  join  Sherman, 
now  well  on  his  way  to  Knoxville,  and  to  observe  his 
campaign. 

I  fell  in  with  Sherman  on  November  3Oth  at  Charles 
ton,  on  the  Hiwassee.  The  Confederate  guard  there 
fled  at  his  approach,  after  half  destroying  the  bridges, 
and  we  had  to  stay  there  until  one  was  repaired.  When 
we  reached  Loudon,  on  December  3d,  the  bridge  over 
the  Tennessee  was  gone,  so  that  the  main  body  of  the 
army  marched  to  a  point  where  it  was  believed  a  prac 
ticable  ford  might  be  found.  The  ford,  however,  proved 
too  deep  for  the  men,  the  river  being  two  hundred  yards 
wide,  and  the  water  almost  at  freezing  point.  We  had 
a  great  deal  of  fun  getting  across.  I  remember  my 
horse  went  through — swam  through,  where  his  feet 
could  not  strike  the  ground — and  I  got  across  without 
any  difficulty.  I  think  Wilson  got  across,  too;  but 
when  the  lieutenant  of  our  squad  of  cavalrymen  got  in 
the  middle  of  the  river,  where  it  was  so  deep  that  as  he 
sat  in  the  saddle  the  water  came  up  to  his  knees  almost, 
and  a  little  above  the  breast  of  the  mule  he  rode,  the 
animal  turned  his  head  upward  toward  the  current, 
at  that  place  very  strong,  and  would  not  stir.  This 
poor  fellow  sat  there  in  the  middle  of  the  stream,  and, 

153 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War, 

do  his  best,  he  could  not  move  his  beast.  Finally,  they 
drove  in  a  big  wagon,  or  truck,  with  two  horses,  and 
tied  that  to  the  bits  of  the  mule,  and  dragged  him  out. 

Colonel  Wilson  at  once  set  about  the  construction  of 
a  trestle  bridge,  and  by  working  all  night  had  it  so  ad 
vanced  that  the  troops  could  begin  to  cross  by  daylight 
the  next  morning. 

While  the  crossing  was  going  on,  we  captured  a 
Confederate  mail,  and  first  learned  something  authentic 
about  Burnside.  He  had  been  assailed  by  Longstreet 
on  the  2Qth  of  November,  but  had  repulsed  him.  He 
was  still  besieged,  and  all  the  letter  writers  spoke  of  the 
condition  in  the  town  with  great  despondency,  evidently 
regarding  their  chance  of  extrication  as  very  poor. 
Longstreet,  we  gathered  from  the  mail,  thought  that 
Sherman  was  bringing  up  only  a  small  force. 

By  noon  of  December  5th  we  had  our  army  over, 
and,  as  we  were  now  only  thirty-five  miles  from  Knox- 
ville,  we  pushed  ahead  rapidly,  the  enemy  making  but 
little  resistance.  When  Longstreet  discovered  the 
strength  of  our  force  he  retreated,  and  we  entered  Knox- 
ville  at  noon  on  the  6th.  We  found  to  our  surprise 
that  General  Burnside  had  fully  twenty  days'  provi 
sions — much  more,  in  fact,  than  at  the  beginning  of 
the  siege.  These  supplies  had  been  drawn  from  the 
French  Broad  by  boats,  and  by  the  Sevierville  road. 
The  loyal  people  of  East  Tennessee  had  done  their 
utmost  through  the  whole  time  to  send  in  provisions 
and  forage,  and  Longstreet  left  open  the  very  avenues 
which  Burnside  most  desired.  We  found  ammunition 
very  short,  and  projectiles  for  our  rifle  guns  had  been 

154 


Chattanooga  and  Missionary  Ridge. 

made  in  the  town.  The  utmost  constancy  and  unanim 
ity  had  prevailed  during  the  whole  siege,  from  Burn- 
side  down  to  the  last  private;  no  man  thought  of  re 
treat  or  surrender. 

The  next  morning  after  our  arrival,  December  Jrth, 
Sherman  started  back  to  Chattanooga  with  all  his  force 
not  needed  there.  Colonel  Wilson  and  I  returned  with 
him,  reaching  Chattanooga  on  December  loth. 

Everything  in  the  army  was  now  so  safe,  quiet,  and 
regular  that  I  felt  I  could  be  more  useful  anywhere  else, 
so  the  day  I  got  back  I  asked  leave  of  Mr.  Stanton  to 
go  North.  I  did  not  wait  for  his  reply,  however.  The 
morning  of  the  I2th  Grant  sent  for  me  to  come  to  his 
headquarters,  and  asked  me  to  go  to  Washington  to 
represent  more  fully  to  Stanton  and  Halleck  his  wishes 
with  regard  to  the  winter  campaign.  As  the  matter  was 
important,  I  started  at  once,  telegraphing  Mr.  Stanton 
that,  if  he  thought  it  unnecessary  for  me  to  go,  orders 
would  reach  me  at  any  point  on  the  railroad. 


155 


CHAPTER  XL 

THE   WAR   DEPARTMENT    IN   WAR  TIMES. 

Grant's  plans  blocked  by  Halleck — Mr.  Dana  on  duty  at  Washington — 
Edwin  McMasters  Stanton — His  deep  religious  feeling — His  swift 
intelligence  and  almost  superhuman  energy — The  Assistant  Secre 
tary's  functions — Contract  supplies  and  contract  frauds — Lincoln's 
intercession  for  dishonest  contractors  with  political  influence — A 
characteristic  letter  from  Sherman. 

I  REACHED  Washington  about  the  middle  of  Decem 
ber,  and  immediately  gave  to  Mr.  Stanton  an  outline 
of  Grant's  plan  and  reasons  for  a  winter  campaign. 
The  President,  Mr.  Stanton,  and  General  Halleck  all 
agreed  that  the  proposed  operations  were  the  most 
promising  in  sight;  indeed,  Mr.  Stanton  was  enthusi 
astic  in  favor  of  the  scheme  as  I  presented  it  to  him. 
He  said  that  the  success  of  Grant's  campaign  would 
end  the  war  in  the  Mississippi  Valley,  and  practically 
make  prisoners  of  all  the  rebel  forces  in  the  interior  of 
Mississippi  and  Alabama,  without  our  being  at  the  di 
rect  necessity  of  guarding  and  feeding  them.  But 
Halleck,  as  a  sine  qua  non,  insisted  that  East  Tennessee 
should  first  be  cleared  out  and  Longstreet  driven  off 
permanently  and  things  up  to  date  secured,  before  new 
campaigns  were  entered  upon. 

The  result  was  that  no  winter  campaign  was  made  in 


'fhe  War  Department  in  War 

i863-'64  toward  the  Alabama  River  towns  and  Mobile. 
Its  success,  in  my  opinion,  was  certain,  and  I  so  repre 
sented  to  Mr.  Stanton.  Without  jeoparding  our  in 
terests  in  any  other  quarter,  Grant  would  have  opened 
the  Alabama  River  and  captured  Mobile  a  full  year  be 
fore  it  finally  fell.  Its  success  meant  permanent  secur 
ity  for  everything  we  had  already  laid  hold  of,  at  once 
freeing  many  thousands  of  garrison  troops  for  serv 
ice  elsewhere.  As  long  as  the  rebels  held  Alabama, 
they  had  a  base  from  which  to  strike  Tennessee.  I  had 
unbounded  confidence  in  Grant's  skill  and  energy  to 
conduct  such  a  campaign  into  the  interior,  cutting  loose 
entirely  from  his  base  and  subsisting  off  the  enemy's 
country.  At  the  time  he  had  the  troops,  and  could 
have  finished  the  job  in  three  months. 

After  I  had  explained  fully  my  mission  from  Grant, 
I  asked  the  Secretary  what  he  wanted  me  to  do.  Mr. 
Stanton  told  me  he  would  like  to  have  me  remain  in 
the  department  until  I  was  needed  again  at  the  front. 
Accordingly,  an  office  in  the  War  Department  was  pro 
vided  for  me,  and  I  began  to  do  the  regular  work  of 
an  assistant  to  the  Secretary  of  War.  This  was  the 
first  time  since  my  relations  with  the  War  Department 
began  that  I  had  been  thrown  much  with  the  Secretary, 
and  I  was  very  glad  to  have  an  opportunity  to  observe 
him. 

Mr.  Stanton  was  a  short,  thick,  dark  man,  with  a 
very  large  head  and  a  mass  of  black  hair.  His  nature 
was  intense,  and  he  was  one  of  the  most  eloquent  men 
that  I  ever  met.  Stanton  was  entirely  absorbed  in  his 
duties,  and  his  energy  in  prosecuting  them  was  some- 

157 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

thing  almost  superhuman.  When  he  took  hold  of  the 
War  Department  the  armies  seemed  to  grow,  and  they 
certainly  gained  in  force  and  vim  and  thoroughness. 

One  of  the  first  things  which  struck  me  in  Mr.  Stan- 
ton  was  his  deep  religious  feeling  and  his  familiarity 
with  the  Bible.  He  must  have  studied  the  Bible  a  great 
deal  when  he  was  a  boy.  He  had  the  firmest  conviction 
that  the  Lord  directed  our  armies.  Over  and  over 
again  have  I  heard  him  express  the  same  opinion  which 
he  wrote  to  the  Tribune  after  Donelson:  "  Much  has 
recently  been  said  of  military  combinations  and  organ 
izing  victory.  I  hear  such  phrases  with  apprehension. 
They  commenced  in  infidel  France  with  the  Italian 
campaign,  and  resulted  in  Waterloo.  Who  can  organ 
ize  victory?  Who  can  combine  the  elements  of  suc 
cess  on  the  battlefield?  We  owe  our  recent  victories 
to  the  Spirit  of  the  Lord,  that  moved  our  soldiers  to 
rush  into  battle,  and  filled  the  hearts  of  our  enemies 
with  dismay.  The  inspiration  that  conquered  in  battle 
was  in  the  hearts  of  the  soldiers  and  from  on  high;  and 
wherever  there  is  the  same  inspiration  there  will  be  the 
same  results."  There  was  never  any  cant  in  Stanton's 
religious  feeling.  It  was  the  straightforward  expression 
of  what  he  believed  and  lived,  and  was  as  simple  and 
genuine  and  real  to  him  as  the  principles  of  his  busi 
ness. 

Stanton  was  a  serious  student  of  history.  He  had 
read  many  books  on  the  subject — more  than  on  any 
other,  I  should  say — and  he  was  fond  of  discussing  his 
torical  characters  with  his  associates;  not  that  he  made 
a  show  of  his  learning.  He  was  fond,  too,  of  discussing 

158 


War  'Department  in  Wa 

legal  questions,  and  would  listen  with  eagerness  to  the 
statement  of  cases  in  which  friends  had  been  interested. 
He  was  a  man  who  was  devoted  to  his  friends,  and  he 
had  a  good  many  with  whom  he  liked  to  sit  down  and 
talk.  In  conversation  he  was  witty  and  satirical;  he 
told  a  story  well,  and  was  very  companionable. 

There  is  a  popular  impression  that  Mr.  Stanton  took 
a  malevolent  delight  in  browbeating  his  subordinates, 
and  every  now  and  then  making  a  spectacle  of  some 
poor  officer  or  soldier,  who  unfortunately  fell  into  his 
clutches  in  the  Secretary's  reception  room,  for  the  edi 
fication  of  bystanders.  This  idea,  like  many  other  false 
notions  concerning  great  men,  is  largely  a  mistaken 
one.  The  stories  which  are  told  of  Mr.  Stanton's  im 
patience  and  violence  are  exaggerated.  He  could  speak 
in  a  very  peremptory  tone,  but  I  never  heard  him  say 
anything  that  could  be  called  vituperative. 

There  \vere  certain  men  in  whom  he  had  little  faith, 
and  I  have  heard  him  speak  to  some  of  these  in  a  tone 
of  severity.  He  was  a  man  of  the  quickest  intelligence, 
and  understood  a  thing  before  half  of  it  was  told  him. 
His  judgment  was  just  as  swift,  and  when  he  got  hold 
of  a  man  who  did  not  understand,  who  did  not  state 
his  case  clearly,  he  was  very  impatient. 

If  Stanton  liked  a  man,  he  was  always  pleasant.  I 
was  with  him  for  several  years  in  the  most  confidential 
relations,  and  I  can  now  recall  only  one  instance  of  his 
speaking  to  me  in  a  harsh  tone.  It  was  a  curious  case. 
Among  the  members  of  Congress  at  that  period  was  a 
Jew  named  Strouse.  One  of  Strouse's  race,  who  lived 
in  Virginia,  had  gone  down  to  the  mouth  of  the  James 

159 


Recollections  of  the  Civil 

River  when  General  Butler  was  at  Fortress  Monroe, 
and  had  announced  his  wish  to  leave  the  Confederacy. 
Now,  the  orders  were  that  when  a  man  came  to  a  com 
manding  officer  with  a  request  to  go  through  the  lines, 
he  was  to  be  examined  and  all  the  money  he  had  was 
to  be  taken  from  him.  General  Butler  had  taken  from 
this  Virginian  friend  of  Strouse  between  fifty  thousand 
and  seventy-five  thousand  dollars.  When  a  general 
took  money  in  this  way  he  had  to  deposit  it  at  once  in 
the  Treasury;  there  a  strict  account  was  kept  of  the 
amount,  whom  it  was  taken  by,  and  whom  it  was  taken 
from.  Butler  gave  a  receipt  to  this  man,  and  he  after 
ward  came  to  Washington  to  get  his  money.  He  and 
Strouse  came  to  the  War  Department,  where  they 
bothered  Mr.  Stanton  a  good  deal.  Finally,  Mr.  Stan- 
ton  sent  for  me. 

"  Strouse  is  after  me,"  he  said  ;  "  he  wants  that 
money,  and  I  want  you  to  settle  the  matter." 

"  What  shall  I  do?  "  I  asked  ;  "  what  are  the  or 
ders?  "  He  took  the  papers  in  the  case  and  wrote  on 
the  back  of  them: 

Referred  to  Mr.  Dana,  Assistant  Secretary  of  War, 
to  be  settled  as  in  his  judgment  shall  be  best. 

E.  M.  STANTON. 

The  man  then  turned  his  attention  from  the  Secre 
tary  to  me.  I  looked  into  the  matter,  and  gave  him 
back  the  money.  The  next  day  Mr.  Stanton  sent  for 
me.  I  saw  he  was  angry. 

"  Did  you  give  that  Jew  back  his  money?  "  he  asked 
in  a  harsh  tone. 

"Yes,  sir." 

160 


War  Department  in  War  ^imes. 


"  Well,"  he  said,  "  I  should  like  to  know  by  what 
authority  you  did  it." 

"  If  you  will  excuse  me  while  I  go  to  my  room,  I 
will  show  my  authority  to  you,"  I  replied. 

So  I  went  up  and  brought  down  the  paper  he  had 
indorsed,  and  read  to  him: 

"  Referred  to  Mr.  Dana,  Assistant  Secretary  of  War, 
to  be  settled  as  in  his  judgment  shall  be  best."  Then  I 
handed  it  over  to  him.  He  looked  at  it,  and  then  he 
laughed. 

"You  are  right,"  he  said;  "you  have  got  me  this 
time."  That  was  the  only  time  he  spoke  to  me  in  a 
really  harsh  tone. 

At  the  time  that  I  entered  the  War  Department  for 
regular  duty,  it  was  a  very  busy  place.  Mr.  Stanton 
frequently  worked  late  at  night,  keeping  his  carriage 
waiting  for  him.  I  never  worked  at  night,  as  my  eyes 
would  not  allow  it.  I  got  to  my  office  about  nine 
o'clock  in  the  morning,  and  I  stayed  there  nearly  the 
whole  day,  for  I  made  it  a  rule  never  to  go  away  until 
my  desk  was  cleared.  When  I  arrived  I  usually  found 
on  my  table  a  big  pile  of  papers  which  were  to  be  acted 
on,  papers  of  every  sort  that  had  come  to  me  from  the 
different  departments  of  the  office. 

The  business  of  the  War  Department  during  the 
first  winter  that  I  spent  in  Washington  was  something 
enormous.  Nearly  $285,000,000  was  paid  out  that 
year  (from  June,  1863,  to  June,  1864)  by  the  quarter 
master's  office,  and  $221,000,000  stood  in  accounts  at 
the  end  of  the  year  awaiting  examination  before  pay 
ment  was  made.  We  had  to  buy  every  conceivable 
«  161 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

thing  that  an  army  of  men  could  need.  We  bought  fuel, 
forage,  furniture,  coffins,  medicine,  horses,  mules,  tele 
graph  wire,  sugar,  coffee,  flour,  cloth,  caps,  guns,  pow 
der,  and  thousands  of  other  things.  Sometimes  our 
supplies  came  by  contract;  again  by  direct  purchase; 
again  by  manufacture.  Of  course,  by  the  fall  of  1863 
the  army  was  pretty  well  supplied;  still,  that  year  we 
bought  over  3,000,000  pairs  of  trousers,  nearly  5,000,- 

000  flannel  shirts  and  drawers,  some  7,000,000  pairs  of 
stockings,  325,000  mess  pans,  207,000  camp  kettles, 
over  13,000  drums,  and  14,830  fifes.     It  was  my  duty 
to  make  contracts  for  many  of  these  supplies. 

In  making  contracts  for  supplies  of  all  kinds,  we 
were  obliged  to  take  careful  precautions  against  frauds. 

1  had  a  colleague  in  the  department,  the  Hon.  Peter 
H.  Watson,  the  distinguished  patent  lawyer,  who  had 
a  great  knack  at  detecting  army  frauds.     One  which 
Watson  had  spent  much  time  in  trying  to  ferret  out 
came  to  light  soon  after  I  went  into  office.     This  was 
an  extensive  fraud  in  forage  furnished  to  the  Army  of 
the  Potomac.    The  trick  of  the  fraud  consisted  in  a  dis 
honest  mixture  of  oats  and  Indian  corn  for  the  horses 
and  mules  of  the  army.     By  changing  the  proportions 
of  the  two  sorts  of  grain,  the  contractors  were  able  to 
make  a  considerable  difference  in  the  cost  of  the  bushel, 
on  account  of  the  difference  in  the  weight  and  price 
of  the  grain,  and  it  was  difficult  to  detect  the  cheat. 
However,  Watson  found  it  out,  and  at  once  arrested 
the  men  who  were  most  directly  involved. 

Soon  after  the  arrest  Watson  went  to  New  York. 
While  he  was  gone,  certain  parties  from  Philadelphia 

162 


The  War  Department  in  War  Times. 

interested  in  the  swindle  came  to  me  at  the  War  De 
partment.  Among  them  was  the  president  of  the  Corn 
Exchange.  They  paid  me  thirty-three  thousand  dollars 
to  cover  the  sum  which  one  of  the  men  confessed  he 
had  appropriated;  thirty-two  thousand  dollars  was  the 
amount  restored  by  another  individual.  The  morning 
after  this  transaction  the  Philadelphians  returned  to  me, 
demanding  both  that  the  villains  should  be  released,  and 
that  the  papers  and  funds  belonging  to  them,  taken 
at  the  time  of  their  arrest,  should  be  restored.  It  was 
my  judgment  that,  instead  of  being  released,  they  should 
be  remanded  to  solitary  confinement  until  they  could 
clear  up  all  the  forage  frauds  and  make  complete  justice 
possible.  Then  I  should  have  released  them,  but  not 
before.  So  I  telegraphed  to  Watson  what  had  hap 
pened,  and  asked  him  to  return  to  prevent  any  false 
step. 

Now,  it  happened  that  the  men  arrested  were  of 
some  political  importance  in  Pennsylvania,  and  emi 
nent  politicians  took  a  hand  in  getting  them  out  of 
the  scrape.  Among  others,  the  Hon.  David  Wilmot, 
then  Senator  of  the  United  States  and  author  of  the 
famous  Wilmot  proviso,  was  very  active.  He  went  to 
Mr.  Lincoln  and  made  such  representations  and  appeals 
that  finally  the  President  consented  to  go  with  him 
over  to  the  War  Department  and  see  Watson  in  his 
office.  Wilmot  remained  outside,  and  Mr.  Lincoln 
went  in  to  labor  with  the  Assistant  Secretary.  Wat 
son  eloquently  described  the  nature  of  the  fraud,  and 
the  extent  to  which  it  had  already  been  developed 
by  his  partial  investigation.  The  President,  in  reply, 

163 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

dwelt  upon  the  fact  that  a  large  amount  of  money  had 
been  refunded  by  the  guilty  men,  and  urged  the  greater 
question  of  the  safety  of  the  cause  and  the  necessity 
of  preserving  united  the  powerful  support  which  Penn 
sylvania  was  giving  to  the  administration  in  suppress 
ing  the  rebellion.  Watson  answered: 

lt  Very  well,  Mr.  President,  if  you  wish  to  have  these 
men  released,  all  that  is  necessary  is  to  give  the  order; 
but  I  shall  ask  to  have  it  in  writing.  In  such  a  case  as 
this  it  would  not  be  safe  for  me  to  obey  a  verbal  order; 
and  let  me  add  that  if  you  do  release  them  the  fact  and 
the  reason  will  necessarily  become  known  to  the 
people." 

Finally  Mr.  Lincoln  took  up  his  hat  and  went  out. 
Wilmot  was  waiting  in  the  corridor,  and  came  to  meet 
him. 

"  Wilmot,"  he  said,  "  I  can't  do  anything  with  Wat 
son;  he  won't  release  them." 

The  reply  which  the  Senator  made  to  this  remark 
can  not  be  printed  here,  but  it  did  not  affect  the  judg 
ment  or  the  action  of  the  President. 

The  men  were  retained  for  a  long  time  afterward. 
The  fraud  was  fully  investigated,  and  future  swindles 
of  the  kind  were  rendered  impossible.  If  Watson  could 
have  had  his  way,  the  guilty  parties — and  there  were 
some  whose  names  never  got  to  the  public — would 
have  been  tried  by  military  commission  and  sternly 
dealt  with.  But  my  own  reflections  upon  the  subject 
led  me  to  the  conclusion  that  the  moderation  of  the 
President  was  wiser  than  the  unrelenting  justice  of  the 
Assistant  Secretary  would  have  been. 

164 


The  War  Department  in  War  Times. 

Not  a  little  of  my  time  at  the  department  was  taken 
up  with  people  who  had  missions  of  some  kind  within 
the  lines  of  the  army.  I  remember  one  of  these  par 
ticularly,  because  it  brought  me  a  characteristic  letter 
from  General  Sherman.  There  was  much  suffering 
among  the  loyal  citizens  and  the  Quakers  of  East  Ten 
nessee  in  the  winter  of  1863-' 64,  and  many  relief  com 
mittees  came  to  us  seeking  transportation  and  safe  con 
duct  for  themselves  and  their  supplies  into  that  coun 
try.  Some  of  these  were  granted,  to  the  annoyance  of 
General  Sherman,  then  in  command  of  the  Military 
Division  of  the  Mississippi.  The  reasons  for  his  objec 
tions  he  gave  in  this  letter  to  me: 

HEADQUARTERS  MILITARY  DIVISION  OF  THE  MISSISSIPPI, 

NASHVILLE,  TENN.,  April  21,  1864. 

C.  A.  DANA,  Esq.,  Ass't  Sec.  of  War,  Washington. 

MY  DEAR  FRIEND:  It  may  be  parliamentary,  but  is 
not  military,  for  me  to  write  you;  but  I  feel  assured 
anything  I  may  write  will  only  have  the  force  of  a  casual 
conversation,  such  as  we  have  indulged  in  by  the  camp 
fire  or  as  we  jogged  along  by  the  road.  The  text  of 
my  letter  is  one  you  gave  a  Philadelphia  gentleman  who 
is  going  up  to  East  Tennessee  to  hunt  up  his  brother 
Quakers  and  administer  the  bounties  of  his  own  and  his 
fellow-citizens'  charity.  Now  who  would  stand  in  the 
way  of  one  so  kindly  and  charitably  disposed?  Surely 
not  I.  But  other  questions  present  themselves.  We 
have  been  working  hard  with  tens  of  thousands  of  men, 
and  at  a  cost  of  millions  of  dollars,  to  make  railroads  to 
carry  to  the  line  of  the  Tennessee  enough  provisions 
and  material  of  war  to  enable  us  to  push  in  our  physical 
force  to  the  next  stop  in  the  war.  I  have  found  on 
personal  inspection  that  hitherto  the  railroads  have 
barely  been  able  to  feed  our  men,  that  mules  have  died 
by  the  thousand,  that  arms  and  ammunition  had  [have] 

165 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

laid  in  the  depot  for  two  weeks  for  want  of  cars,  that  no 
accumulation  at  all  of  clothing  and  stores  had  been 
or  could  be  moved  at  Chattanooga,  and  that  it  took 
four  sets  of  cars  and  locomotives  to  accommodate  the 
passes  given  by  military  commanders;  that  gradually 
the  wants  of  citizens  and  charities  were  actually  con 
suming  the  real  resources  of  a  road  designed  exclusively 
for  army  purposes.  You  have  been  on  the  spot  and 
can  understand  my  argument.  At  least  one  hundred 
citizens  daily  presented  good  claims  to  go  forward — • 
women  to  attend  sick  children,  parents  in  search  of  the 
bodies  of  some  slain  in  battle,  sanitary  committees  sent 
by  States  and  corporations  to  look  after  the  personal 
wants  of  their  constituents,  ministers  and  friends  to  min 
ister  to  the  Christian  wants  of  their  flocks;  men  who 
had  fled,  anxious  to  go  back  to  look  after  lost  families, 
etc.;  and,  more  still,  the  tons  of  goods  which  they  all 
bore  on  their  merciful  errands.  None  but  such  as  you, 
who  have  been  present  and  seen  the  tens,  hundreds, 
and  thousands  of  such  cases,  can  measure  them  in  the 
aggregate  and  segregate  the  exceptions. 

I  had  no  time  to  hesitate,  for  but  a  short  month  was 
left  me  to  prepare,  and  I  must  be  ready  to  put  in  motion 
near  one  hundred  thousand  men  to  move  when  naught 
remains  to  save  life.  I  figured  up  the  mathematics,  and 
saw  that  I  must  have  daily  one  hundred  and  forty-five 
car  loads  of  essentials  for  thirty  days  to  enable  me  to 
fill  the  requirement.  Only  seventy-five  daily  was  all 
the  roads  were  doing.  Now  I  have  got  it  up  to  one 
hundred  and  thirty-five.  Troops  march,  cattle  go  by 
the  road,  sanitary  and  sutler's  stores  limited,  and  all  is 
done  that  human  energy  can  accomplish.  Yet  come 
these  pressing  claims  of  charity,  by  men  and  women 
who  can  not  grasp  the  great  problem.  My  usual  answer 
is,  "  Show  me  that  your  presence  at  the  front  is  more 
valuable  than  two  hundred  pounds  of  powder,  bread, 
or  oats  ";  and  it  is  generally  conclusive.  I  have  given 
Mr.  Savery  a  pass  on  your  letter,  and  it  takes  two  hun 
dred  pounds  of  bread  from  our  soldiers,  or  the  same 

166 


The  War  Department  in  War  Times. 

of  oats  from  our  patient  mules;  but  I  could  not  promise 
to  feed  the  suffering  Quakers  at  the  expense  of  our 
army.  I  have  ordered  all  who  can  not  provide  food 
at  the  front  to  be  allowed  transportation  back  in  our 
empty  cars;  but  I  can  not  undertake  to  transport  the 
food  needed  by  the  worthy  East  Tennesseeans  or  any 
of  them.  In  peace  there  is  a  beautiful  harmony  in  all 
the  departments  of  life — they  all  fit  together  like  the 
Chinese  puzzle;  but  in  war  all  is  ajar.  Nothing  fits, 
and  it  is  the  struggle  between  the  stronger  and  weaker; 
and  the  latter,  however  it  may  appeal  to  the  better  feel 
ings  of  our  nature,  must  kick  the  beam.  To  make  war 
we  must  and  will  harden  our  hearts. 

Therefore,  when  preachers  clamor  and  the  sanitaries 
wail,  don't  join  in,  but  know  that  war,  like  the  thun 
derbolt,  follows  its  laws,  and  turns  not  aside  even  if  the 
beautiful,  the  virtuous,  and  charitable  stand  in  its  path. 

When  the  day  and  the  hour  comes,  I'll  strike  Joe 
Johnston,  be  the  result  what  it  may;  but  in  the  time  al 
lotted  to  me  for  preparation  I  must  and  will  be  selfish 
in  making  those  preparations  which  I  know  to  be  neces 
sary.  Your  friend, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN,  Major  General. 


CHAPTER  XII. 

ABRAHAM    LINCOLN   AND   HIS    CABINET. 

Daily  intercourse  with  Lincoln — The  great  civil  leaders  of  the  period 
— Seward  and  Chase — Gideon  Welles — Friction  between  Stanton 
and  Blair — Personal  traits  of  the  President — Lincoln's  surpassing 
ability  as  a  politician — His  true  greatness  of  character  and  intel 
lect — His  genius  for  military  judgment — Stanton's  comment  on 
the  Gettysburg  speech — The  kindness  of  Abraham  Lincoln's  heart. 

DURING  the  first  winter  I  spent  in  Washington  in 
the  War  Department  I  had  constant  opportunities  of 
seeing  Mr.  Lincoln,  and  of  conversing  with  him  in  the 
cordial  and  unofficial  manner  which  he  always  preferred. 
Not  that  there  was  ever  any  lack  of  dignity  in  the  man. 
Even  in  his  freest  moments  one  always  felt  the  presence 
of  a  will  and  of  an  intellectual  power  which  maintained 
the  ascendancy  of  his  position.  He  never  posed,  or  put 
on  airs,  or  attempted  to  make  any  particular  impression; 
but  he  was  always  conscious  of  his  own  ideas  and  pur 
poses,  even  in  his  most  unreserved  moments. 

I  knew,  too,  and  saw  frequently,  all  the  members 
of  his  Cabinet.  When  Mr.  Lincoln  was  inaugurated  as 
President,  his  first  act  was  to  name  his  Cabinet;  and 
it  was  a  common  remark  at  the  time  that  he  had  put 
into  it  every  man  who  had  competed  with  him  for  the 
nomination.  The  first  in  importance  was  William  H. 
Seward,  of  New  York,  Mr.  Lincoln's  most  prominent 

168 


Abraham  Lincoln  and  his  Cabinet. 

competitor.  Mr.  Seward  was  made  Secretary  of  State. 
He  was  an  interesting  man,  of  an  optimistic  tempera 
ment,  and  he  probably  had  the  most  cultivated  and 
comprehensive  intellect  in  the  administration.  He  was 
a  man  who  was  all  his  life  in  controversies,  yet  he  was 
singular  in  this,  that,  though  forever  in  fights,  he  had 
almost  no  personal  enemies.  Seward  had  great  abil 
ity  as  a  writer,  and  he  had  what  is  very  rare  in  a  lawyer, 
a  politician,  or  a  statesman — imagination.  A  fine  illus 
tration  of  his  genius  was  the  acquisition  of  Alaska.  That 
was  one  of  the  last  things  that  he  did  before  he  went 
out  of  office,  and  it  demonstrated  more  than  anything 
else  his  fixed  and  never-changing  idea  that  all  North 
America  should  be  united  under  one  government. 

Mr.  Seward  was  an  admirable  writer  and  an  impres 
sive  though  entirely  unpretentious  speaker.  He  stood 
up  and  talked  as  though  he  were  engaged  in  conversa 
tion,  and  the  effect  was  always  great.  It  gave  the  im 
pression  of  a  man  deliberating  "  out  loud  "  with  him 
self. 

The  second  man  in  importance  and  ability  to  be  put 
into  the  Cabinet  was  Mr.  Chase,  of  Ohio.  He  was  an 
able,  noble,  spotless  statesman,  a  man  who  would  have 
been  worthy  of  the  best  days  of  the  old  Roman  repub 
lic.  He  had  been  a  candidate  for  the  presidency,  though 
a  less  conspicuous  one  than  Seward.  Mr.  Chase  was  a 
portly  man;  tall,  and  of  an  impressive  appearance,  with 
a  very  handsome,  large  head.  He  was  genial,  though 
very  decided,  and  occasionally  he  would  criticise  the 
President,  a  thing  I  never  heard  Mr.  Seward  do.  Chase 
had  been  successful  in  Ohio  politics,  and  in  the  Treasury 

169 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

Department  his  administration  was  satisfactory  to  the 
public.  He  was  the  author  of  the  national  banking  law. 
I  remember  going  to  dine  with  him  one  day — I  did 
that  pretty  often,  as  I  had  known  him  well  when  I  was 
on  the  Tribune — and  he  said  to  me:  "  I  have  completed 
to-day  a  very  great  thing.  I  have  finished  the  National 
Bank  Act.  It  will  be  a  blessing  to  the  country  long  after 
I  am  dead/' 

The  Secretary  of  the  Navy  throughout  the  war  was 
Gideon  Welles,  of  Connecticut.  Welles  was  a  curious- 
looking  man:  he  wore  a  wig  which  was  parted  in  the 
middle,  the  hair  falling  down  on  each  side;  and  it  was 
from  his  peculiar  appearance,  I  have  always  thought, 
that  the  idea  that  he  was  an  old  fogy  originated.  I  re 
member  Governor  Andrew,  of  Massachusetts,  coming 
into  my  office  at  the  War  Department  one  day  and  ask 
ing  where  he  could  find  "  that  old  Mormon  deacon,  the 
Secretary  of  the  Navy."  In  spite  of  his  peculiarities,  I 
think  Mr.  Welles  was  a  very  wise,  strong  man.  There 
was  nothing  decorative  about  him;  there  was  no  noise 
in  the  street  when  he  went  along;  but  he  understood 
his  duty,  and  did  it  efficiently,  continually,  and  unvary 
ingly.  There  was  a  good  deal  of  opposition  to  him,  for 
we  had  no  navy  when  the  war  began,  and  he  had  to 
create  one  without  much  deliberation;  but  he  was  pa 
tient,  laborious,  and  intelligent  at  his  task. 

Montgomery  Blair  was  Postmaster-General  in  Mr. 
Lincoln's  Cabinet.  He  was  a  capable  man,  sharp,  keen, 
perhaps  a  little  cranky,  and  not  friendly  with  everybody; 
but  I  always  found  him  pleasant  to  deal  with,  and  I  saw 
a  great  deal  of  him.  He  and  Mr.  Stanton  were  not  very 

170 


Abraham  Lincoln  and  Ms  Cabinet. 

good  friends,  and  when  he  wanted  anything  in  the  War 
Department  he  was  more  likely  to  come  to  an  old  friend 
like  me  than  to  go  to  the  Secretary.  Stanton,  too, 
rather  preferred  that. 

The  Attorney-General  of  the  Cabinet  was  Edward 
Bates,  of  Missouri.  Bates  had  been  Mr.  Greeley's  fa 
vorite  candidate  for  the  presidency.  He  was  put  into 
the  Cabinet  partly,  I  suppose,  because  his  reputation 
was  good  as  a  lawyer,  but  principally  because  he  had 
been  advocated  for  President  by  such  powerful  influ 
ences.  Bates  must  have  been  about  sixty-eight  years 
old  when  he  was  appointed  Attorney-General.  He  was 
a  very  eloquent  speaker.  Give  him  a  patriotic  subject, 
where  his  feelings  could  expand,  and  he  would  make 
a  beautiful  speech.  He  was  a  man  of  very  gentle,  cor 
dial  nature,  but  not  one  of  extraordinary  brilliancy. 

The  relations  between  Mr.  Lincoln  and  the  mem 
bers  of  his  Cabinet  were  always  friendly  and  sincere  on 
his  part.  He  treated  every  one  of  them  with  unvarying 
candor,  respect,  and  kindness;  but,  though  several  of 
them  were  men  of  extraordinary  force  and  self-asser 
tion — this  was  true  especially  of  Mr.  Seward,  Mr.  Chase, 
and  Mr.  Stanton — and  though  there  was  nothing  of  self- 
>  hood  or  domination  in  his  manner  toward  them,  it  was 
always  plain  that  he  was  the  master  and  they  the  sub 
ordinates.  They  constantly  had  to  yield  to  his  will  in 
questions  where  responsibility  fell  upon  him.  If  he  ever 
yielded  to  theirs,  it  was  because  they  convinced  him 
that  the  course  they  advised  was  judicious  and  appro 
priate.  I  fancied  during  the  whole  time  of  my  intimate 
intercourse  with  him  and  with  them  that  he  was  always 

171 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

prepared  to  receive  the  resignation  of  any  one  of  them. 
At  the  same  time  I  do  not  recollect  a  single  occasion 
when  any  member  of  the  Cabinet  had  got  his  mind 
ready  to  quit  his  post  from  any  feeling  of  dissatisfaction 
with  the  policy  or  conduct  of  the  President.  Not  that 
they  were  always  satisfied  with  his  actions;  the  mem 
bers  of  the  Cabinet,  like  human  beings  in  general,  were 
not  pleased  with  everything.  In  their  judgment  much 
was  imperfect  in  the  administration;  much,  they  felt, 
would  have  been  done  better  if  their  views  had  been 
adopted  and  they  individually  had  had  charge  of  it. 
Not  so  with  the  President.  He  was  calm,  equable,  un 
complaining.  In  the  discussion  of  important  questions, 
whatever  he  said  showed  the  profoundest  thought,  even 
when  he  was  joking.  He  seemed  to  see  every  side  of 
every  question.  He  never  was  impatient,  he  never  was 
in  a  hurry,  and  he  never  tried  to  hurry  anybody  else.  To 
every  one  he  was  pleasant  and  cordial.  Yet  they  all 
felt  it  was  his  word  that  went  at  last;  that  every  case 
was  open  until  he  gave  his  decision. 

This  impression  of  authority,  of  reserve  force,  Mr. 
Lincoln  always  gave  to  those  about  him.  Even  phys 
ically  he  was  impressive.  According  to  the  record  meas 
urements,  he  was  six  feet  four  inches  in  height.  That 
is,  he  was  at  least  four  inches  taller  than  the  tall,  ordi 
nary  man.  When  he  rode  out  on  horseback  to  review 
an  army,  as  I  have  frequently  seen  him  do,  he  wore  usu 
ally  a  high  hat,  and  then  he  looked  like  a  giant.  There 
was  no  waste  or  excess  of  material  about  his  frame; 
nevertheless,  he  was  very  strong  and  muscular.  I  re 
member  that  the  last  time  I  went  to  see  him  at  the  White 

172 


Abraham  Lincoln  and  Ms  Cabinet. 

House — the  afternoon  before  he  was  killed — I  found 
him  in  a  side  room  with  coat  off  and  sleeves  rolled  up, 
washing  his  hands.  He  had  finished  his  work  for  the 
day,  arid  was  going  away.  I  noticed  then  the  thinness 
of  his  arms,  and  how  well  developed,  strong,  and  active 
his  muscles  seemed  to  be.  In  fact,  there  was  nothing 
flabby  or  feeble  about  Mr.  Lincoln  physically.  He  was 
a  very  quick  man  in  his  movements  when  he  chose  to 
be,  and  he  had  immense  physical  endurance.  Night 
after  night  he  would  work  late  and  hard  without  being 
wilted  by  it,  and  he  always  seemed  as  ready  for  the  next 
day's  work  as  though  he  had  done  nothing  the  day 
before. 

Mr.  Lincoln's  face  was  thin,  and  his  features  were 
large.  His  hair  was  black,  his  eyebrows  heavy,  his  fore 
head  square  and  well  developed.  His  complexion  was 
dark  and  quite  sallow.  His  smile  was  something  most 
lovely.  I  have  never  seen  a  woman's  smile  that  ap 
proached  it  in  its  engaging  quality;  nor  have  I  ever  seen 
another  face  which  would  light  up  as  Mr.  Lincoln's 
did  when  something  touched  his  heart  or  amused  him. 
I  have  heard  it  said  that  he  was  ungainly,  that  his  step 
was  awkward.  He  never  impressed  me  as  being  awk 
ward.  In  the  first  place,  there  was  such  a  charm  and 
beauty  about  his  expression,  such  good  humor  and 
friendly  spirit  looking  from  his  eyes,  that  when  you  were 
near  him  you  never  thought  whether  he  was  awkward 
or  graceful;  you  thought  of  nothing  except,  What  a 
kindly  character  this  man  has!  Then,  too,  there  was 
such  shrewdness  in  his  kindly  features  that  one  did  not 
care  to  criticise  him.  His  manner  was  always  dignified, 

173 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  PFar. 

and  even  if  he  had  done  an  awkward  thing  the  dignity 
of  his  character  and  manner  would  have  made  it  seem 
graceful  and  becoming. 

The  great  quality  of  his  appearance  was  benevolence 
and  benignity:  the  wish  to  do  somebody  some  good  if 
he  could  ;  and  yet  there  was  no  flabby  philanthropy 
about  Abraham  Lincoln.  He  was  all  solid,  hard,  keen 
intelligence  combined  with  goodness.  Indeed,  the  ex 
pression  of  his  face  and  of  his  bearing  which  impressed 
one  most,  after  his  benevolence  and  benignity,  was  his 
intelligent  understanding.  You  felt  that  here  was  a 
man  who  saw  through  things,  who  understood,  and 
you  respected  him  accordingly. 

Lincoln  was  a  supreme  politician.  He  understood 
politics  because  he  understood  human  nature.  I  had 
an  illustration  of  this  in  the  spring  of  1864.  The  admin 
istration  had  decided  that  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States  should  be  amended  so  that  slavery  should  be  pro 
hibited.  This  was  not  only  a  change  in  our  national 
policy,  it  was  also  a  most  important  military  measure. 
It  was  intended  not  merely  as  a  means  of  abolishing 
slavery  forever,  but  as  a  means  of  affecting  the  judg 
ment  and  the  feelings  and  the  anticipations  of  those  in 
rebellion.  It  was  believed  that  such  an  amendment  to 
the  Constitution  would  be  equivalent  to  new  armies  in 
the  field,  that  it  would  be  worth  at  least  a  million  men, 
that  it  would  be  an  intellectual  army  that  would  tend  to 
paralyze  the  enemy  and  break  the  continuity  of  his 
ideas. 

In  order  thus  to  amend  the  Constitution,  it  was 
necessary  first  to  have  the  proposed  amendment  ap- 

174 


Abraham  Lincoln  and  his  Cabinet. 

proved  by  three  fourths  of  the  States.  When  that  ques 
tion  came  to  be  considered,  the  issue  was  seen  to  be  so 
close  that  one  State  more  was  necessary.  The  State  of 
Nevada  was  organized  and  admitted  into  the  Union 
to  answer  that  purpose.  I  have  sometimes  heard  people 
complain  of  Nevada  as  superfluous  and  petty,  not  big 
enough  to  be  a  State;  but  when  I  hear  that  complaint, 
I  always  hear  Abraham  Lincoln  saying,  "  It  is  easier 
to  admit  Nevada  than  to  raise  another  million  of  sol 
diers." 

In  March,  1864,  the  question  of  allowing  Nevada 
to  form  a  State  government  finally  came  up  in  the 
House  of  Representatives.  There  was  strong  opposi 
tion  to  it.  For  a  long  time  beforehand  the  question 
had  been  canvassed  anxiously.  At  last,  late  one  after 
noon,  the  President  came  into  my  office,  in  the  third 
story  of  the  War  Department.  He  used  to  come  there 
sometimes  rather  than  send  for  me,  because  he  was  fond 
of  walking  and  liked  to  get  away  from  the  crowds  in 
the  White  House.  He  came  in  and  shut  the  door. 

"  Dana,'*  he  said,  "  I  am  very  anxious  about  this 
vote.  It  has  got  to  be  taken  next  week.  The  time  is 
very  short.  It  is  going  to  be  a  great  deal  closer  than  I 
wish  it  was." 

'''  There  are  plenty  of  Democrats  who  will  vote  for 
it,"  I  replied.  "There  is  James  E.  English,  of  Con 
necticut;  I  think  he  is  sure,  isn't  he?  " 

"  Oh,  yes;  he  is  sure  on  the  merits  of  the  question." 

"  Then,"  said  I,  "  there's  '  Sunset '  Cox,  of  Ohio. 
How  is  he?  " 

"  He  is  sure  and  fearless.    But  there  are  some  others 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

that  I  am  not  clear  about.  There  are  three  that  you  can 
deal  with  better  than  anybody  else,  perhaps,  as  you 
know  them  all.  I  wish  you  would  send  for  them." 

He  told  me  who  they  were;  it  isn't  necessary  to  re 
peat  the  names  here.  One  man  was  from  New  Jersey 
and  two  from  New  York. 

"  What  will  they  be  likely  to  want?  "  I  asked. 

"  I  don't  know,"  said  the  President;  "  I  don't  know. 
It  makes  no  difference,  though,  what  they  want.  Here 
is  the  alternative:  that  we  carry  this  vote,  or  be  com 
pelled  to  raise  another  million,  and  I  don't  know  how 
many  more,  men,  and  fight  no  one  knows  how  long. 
It  is  a  question  of  three  votes  or  new  armies." 

"  Well,  sir,"  said  I,  "  what  shall  I  say  to  these  gen 
tlemen?  " 

"I  don't  know,"  said  he;  "but  whatever  promise 
you  make  to  them  I  will  perform." 

I  sent  for  the  men  and  saw  them  one  by  one.  I 
found  that  they  were  afraid  of  their  party.  They  said 
that  some  fellows  in  the  party  would  be  down  on  them. 
Two  of  them  wanted  internal  revenue  collector's  ap 
pointments.  "  You  shall  have  it,"  I  said.  Another  one 
wanted  a  very  important  appointment  about  the  custom 
house  of  New  York.  I  knew  the  man  well  whom  he 
wanted  to  have  appointed.  He  was  a  Republican, 
though  the  congressman  was  a  Democrat.  I  had  served 
with  him  in  the  Republican  county  committee  of  New 
York.  The  office  was  worth  perhaps  twenty  thousand 
dollars  a  year.  When  the  congressman  stated  the  case, 
I  asked  him,  "  Do  you  want  that?  " 

"  Yes,"  said  he. 

176 


Abraham  Lincoln  and  his  Cabinet. 

"  Well,"  I  answered,  "  you  shall  have  it." 

"  I  understand,  of  course,"  said  he,  "  that  you 
not  saying  this  on  your  own  authority?  " 

"  Oh,  no/'  said  I;  "  I  am  saying  it  on  the  authority 
of  the  President." 

Well,  these  men  voted  that  Nevada  be  allowed  to 
form  a  State  government,  and  thus  they  helped  secure 
the  vote  which  was  required.  The  next  October  the 
President  signed  the  proclamation  admitting  the  State. 
In  the  February  following  Nevada  was  one  of  the  States 
which  ratified  the  Thirteenth  Amendment,  by  which 
slavery  was  abolished  by  constitutional  prohibition  in 
all  of  the  United  States.  I  have  always  felt  that  this 
little  piece  of  side  politics  was  one  of  the  most  judicious, 
humane,  and  wise  uses  of  executive  authority  that  I 
have  ever  assisted  in  or  witnessed. 

The  appointment  in  the  New  York  Custom  House 
was  to  wait  until  the  term  of  the  actual  incumbent  had 
run  out.  My  friend,  the  Democratic  congressman,  was 
quite  willing.  "That's  all  right,"  he  said;  "I  am  in 
no  hurry."  Before  the  time  had  expired,  Mr.  Lincoln 
was  murdered  and  Andrew  Johnson  became  President. 
I  was  in  the  West,  when  one  day  I  got  a  telegram 
from  Roscoe  Conkling: 

"  Come  to  Washington."    So  I  went. 

"  I  want  you  to  go  and  see  President  Johnson,"  Mr. 
Conkling  said,  "  and  tell  him  that  the  appointment  of 
this  man  to  the  custom  house  is  a  sacred  promise  of 
Mr.  Lincoln's,  and  that  it  must  be  kept." 

Then  I  went  to  the  White  House,  and  saw  President 
Johnson. 

13  177 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

"  This  is  Mr.  Lincoln's  promise,"  I  urged.  "  He 
regarded  it  as  saving  the  necessity  of  another  call  for 
troops  and  raising,  perhaps,  a  million  more  men  to 
continue  the  war.  I  trust,  Mr.  President,  that  you  will 
see  your  way  clear  to  execute  this  promise." 

"  Well,  Mr.  Dana,"  he  replied,  "  I  don't  say  that  I 
won't;  but  I  have  observed  in  the  course  of  my  experi 
ence  that  such  bargains  tend  to  immorality." 

The  appointment  was  not  made.  I  am  happy  to  say, 
however,  that  the  gentleman  to  whom  the  promise  was 
given  never  found  any  fault  either  with  President  Lin 
coln  or  with  the  Assistant  Secretary  who  had  been  the 
means  of  making  the  promise  to  him. 

One  of  the  cleverest  minor  political  moves  which 
Mr.  Lincoln  ever  made  was  an  appointment  he  once 
gave  Horace  Greeley.  Mr.  Greeley  never  approved  of 
Mr.  Lincoln's  manner  of  conducting  the  war,  and  he 
sometimes  abused  the  President  roundly  for  his  delib 
eration.  As  the  war  went  on,  Greeley  grew  more  and 
more  irritable,  because  the  administration  did  not  make 
peace  on  some  terms.  Finally,  in  July,  1864,  he  received 
a  letter  from  a  pretended  agent  of  the  Confederate  au 
thorities  in  Canada,  saying: 

I  am  authorized  to  state  to  you  for  our  use  only,  not 
the  public,  that  two  ambassadors  of  Davis  and  Company 
are  now  in  Canada  with  full  and  complete  powers  for  a 
peace,  and  Mr.  Sanders  requests  that  you  come  on  im 
mediately  to  me  at  Cataract  House  to  have  a  private 
interview;  or,  if  you  will  send  the  President's  protection 
for  him  and  two  friends,  they  will  come  on  and  meet 
you.  He  says  the  whole  matter  can  be  consummated 
by  me,  them,  and  President  Lincoln. 

178 


Abraham  'Lincoln  and  his  Cabinet. 

This  letter  was  followed  the  next  day  by  a  telegram, 
saying  :  "  Will  you  come  here?  Parties  have  full 
power." 

Upon  receiving  this  letter,  Mr.  Greeley  wrote  to 
President  Lincoln,  more  or  less  in  the  strain  of  the  arti 
cles  that  he  had  published  in  the  Tribune.  He  com 
plained  bitterly  of  the  way  the  business  of  the  Govern 
ment  was  managed  in  the  great  crisis,  and  told  the  Presi 
dent  that  now  there  wras  a  way  open  to  peace.  He  ex 
plained  that  the  Confederates  wanted  a  conference,  and 
he  told  Mr.  Lincoln  that  he  thought  that  he  ought  to 
appoint  an  ambassador,  or  a  diplomatic  agent,  of  the 
United  States  Government,  to  meet  the  Confederate 
agents  at  Niagara  and  hear  what  they  had  to  say.  Mr. 
Lincoln  immediately  responded  by  asking  Mr.  Greeley 
to  be  himself  the  representative  and  to  go  to  Niagara 
Falls. 

"  If  you  can  find  any  person  anywhere,"  the  Presi 
dent  wrote,  "  professing  to  have  any  proposition  of  Jef 
ferson  Davis,  in  writing,  for  peace,  embracing  the 
restoration  of  the  Union,  and  abandonment  of  slavery, 
whatever  else  it  embraces,  say  to  him  he  may  come  to 
me  with  you,  and  that  if  he  really  brings  such  proposi 
tion  he  shall  at  the  least  have  safe  conduct  with  the 
paper  (and  without  publicity,  if  he  chooses)  to  the  point 
where  you  shall  have  met  him.  The  same,  if  there  be 
two  or  more  persons." 

Mr.  Greeley  went  to  Niagara,  but  his  mission  ended 
in  nothing,  except  that  the  poor  man,  led  astray  by  too 
great  confidence,  failed  in  his  undertaking,  and  was 
almost  universally  laughed  at.  I  saw  the  President  not 

179 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

long  after  that,  and  he  said,  with  a  funny  twinkle  in  his 
eye:  "I  sent  Brother  Greeley  a  commission.  I  guess 
I  am  about  even  with  him  now." 

Lincoln  had  the  most  comprehensive,  the  most  ju 
dicious  mind;  he  was  the  least  faulty  in  his  conclusions 
of  any  man  I  have  ever  known.  He  never  stepped  too 
soon,  and  he  never  stepped  too  late.  When  the  whole 
Northern  country  seemed  to  be  clamoring  for  him  to 
issue  a  proclamation  abolishing  slavery,  he  didn't  do 
it.  Deputation  after  deputation  went  to  Washington. 
I  remember  once  a  hundred  gentlemen,  dressed  in  black 
coats,  mostly  clergymen,  from  Massachusetts,  came  to 
Washington  to  appeal  to  him  to  proclaim  the  abolition 
of  slavery.  But  he  did  not  do  it.  He  allowed  Mr. 
Cameron  and  General  Butler  to  execute  their  great  idea 
of  treating  slaves  as  contraband  of  war  and  protecting 
those  who  had  got  into  our  lines  against  being  recap 
tured  by  their  Southern  owners;  but  he  would  not  pre 
maturely  make  the  proclamation  that  was  so  much  de 
sired.  Finally  the  time  came,  and  of  that  he  was  the 
judge.  Nobody  else  decided  it;  nobody  commanded 
it;  the  proclamation  was  issued  as  he  thought  best,  and 
it  was  efficacious.  The  people  of  the  North,  who  dur 
ing  the  long  contest  over  slavery  had  always  stood 
strenuously  by  the  compromises  of  the  Constitution, 
might  themselves  have  become  half  rebels  if  this  proc 
lamation  had  been  issued  too  soon.  At  last  they  were 
tired  of  waiting,  tired  of  endeavoring  to  preserve  even 
a  show  of  regard  for  what  was  called  "  the  compromises 
of  the  Constitution  "  when  they  believed  the  Constitu 
tion  itself  was  in  danger.  Thus  public  opinion  was  ripe 

1 80 


Abraham  Lincoln  and  his  Cabinet. 

when  the  proclamation  came,  and  that  was  the  begin 
ning  of  the  end.  He  could  have  issued  this  proclama 
tion  two  years  before,  perhaps,  and  the  consequence  of 
it  might  have  been  our  entire  defeat;  but  when  it  came 
it  did  its  work,  and  it  did  us  no  harm  whatever.  No 
body  protested  against  it,  not  even  the  Confederates 
themselves. 

This  unerring  judgment,  this  patience  which  waited 
and  which  knew  when  the  right  time  had  arrived,  is  an 
intellectual  quality  that  I  do  not  find  exercised  upon 
any  such  scale  and  with  such  absolute  precision  by  any 
other  man  in  history.  It  proves  Abraham  Lincoln  to 
have  been  intellectually  one  of  the  greatest  of  rulers.  If 
we  look  through  the  record  of  great  men,  where  is 
there  one  to  be  placed  beside  him?  I  do  not  know. 

Another  interesting  fact  about  Abraham  Lincoln 
is  that  he  developed  into  a  great  military  man;  that  is 
to  say,  a  man  of  supreme  military  judgment.  I  do  not 
risk  anything  in  saying  that  if  one  will  study  the  records 
of  the  war  and  study  the  writings  relating  to  it,  he  will 
agree  with  me  that  the  greatest  general  we  had,  greater 
than  Grant  or  Thomas,  was  Abraham  Lincoln.  It  was 
not  so  at  the  beginning;  but  after  three  or  four  years 
of  constant  practice  in  the  science  and  art  of  war,  he 
arrived  at  this  extraordinary  knowledge  of  it,  so  that 
Von  Moltke  was  not  a  better  general,  or  an  abler  plan 
ner  or  expounder  of  a  campaign,  than  was  President 
Lincoln.  To  sum  it  up,  he  was  a  born  leader  of  men. 
He  knew  human  nature;  he  knew  what  chord  to  strike, 
and  was  never  afraid  to  strike  it  when  he  believed  that 
the  time  had  arrived. 

181 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

Mr.  Lincoln  was  not  what  is  called  an  educated  man. 
In  the  college  that  he  attended  a  man  gets  up  at  day 
light  to  hoe  corn,  and  sits  up  at  night  by  the  side  of  a 
burning  pine-knot  to  read  the  best  book  he  can  find. 
What  education  he  had,  he  had  picked  up.  He  had  read 
a  great  many  books,  and  all  the  books  that  he  had 
read  he  knew.  He  had  a  tenacious  memory,  just  as  he 
had  the  ability  to  see  the  essential  thing.  He  never 
took  an  unimportant  point  and  went  off  upon  that;  but 
he  always  laid  hold  of  the  real  question,  and  attended 
to  that,  giving  no  more  thought  to  other  points  than 
was  indispensably  necessary. 

Thus,  while  we  say  that  Mr.  Lincoln  was  an  unedu 
cated  man  in  the  college  sense,  he  had  a  singularly  per 
fect  education  in  regard  to  everything  that  concerns  the 
practical  affairs  of  life.  His  judgment  was  excellent,  and 
his  information  was  always  accurate.  He  knew  what 
the  thing  was.  He  was  a  man  of  genius,  and  contrasted 
with  men  of  education  the  man  of  genius  will  always 
carry  the  day.  Many  of  his  speeches  illustrate  this. 

I  remember  very  well  Mr.  Stanton's  comment  on  the 
Gettysburg  speeches  of  Edward  Everett  and  Mr.  Lin 
coln.  "  Edward  Everett  has  made  a  speech,"  he  said, 
"  that  will  make  three  columns  in  the  newspapers,  and 
Mr.  Lincoln  has  made  a  speech  of  perhaps  forty  or  fifty 
lines.  Everett's  is  the  speech  of  a  scholar,  polished  to 
the  last  possibility.  It  is  elegant,  and  it  is  learned;  but 
Lincoln's  speech  will  be  read  by  a  thousand  men  where 
one  reads  Everett's,  and  will  be  remembered  as  long 
as  anybody's  speeches  are  remembered  who  speaks  in 
the  English  language." 

182 


Abraham  Lincoln  and  his  Cabinet. 

That  was  the  truth.  Who  ever  thinks  of  or  reads 
Everett's  Gettysburg  speech  now?  If  one  will  com 
pare  those  two  speeches  he  will  get  an  idea  how  superior 
genius  is  to  education;  how  superior  that  intellectual 
faculty  is  which  sees  the  vitality  of  a  question  and  knows 
how  to  state  it;  how  superior  that  intellectual  faculty 
is  which  regards  everything  with  the  fire  of  earnestness 
in  the  soul,  with  the  relentless  purpose  of  a  heart  de 
voted  to  objects  beyond  literature. 

Another  remarkable  peculiarity  of  Mr.  Lincoln's 
was  that  he  seemed  to  have  no  illusions.  He  had  no 
freakish  notions  that  things  were  so,  or  might  be  so, 
when  they  were  not  so.  All  his  thinking  and  reason 
ing,  all  his  mind,  in  short,  was  based  continually  upon 
actual  facts,  and  upon  facts  of  which,  as  I  said,  he  saw 
the  essence.  I  never  heard  him  say  anything  that  was 
not  so.  I  never  heard  him  foretell  things;  he  told  what 
they  were,  but  I  never  heard  him  intimate  that  such 
and  such  consequences  were  likely  to  happen  without 
the  consequences  following.  I  should  say,  perhaps,  that 
his  greatest  quality  was  wisdom.  And  that  is  some 
thing  superior  to  talent,  superior  to  education.  It  is 
again  genius;  I  do  not  think  it  can  be  acquired.  All 
the  advice  that  he  gave  was  wise,  and  it  was  always 
timely.  This  wisdom,  it  is  scarcely  necessary  to  add, 
had  its  animating  philosophy  in  his  own  famous  words, 
"  With  malice  toward  none,  with  charity  for  all." 

Another  remarkable  quality  of  Mr.  Lincoln  was  his 
great  mercifulness.  A  thing  it  seemed  as  if  he  could 
not  do  was  to  sign  a  death  warrant.  One  day  General 
Augur,  who  was  the  major  general  commanding  the 

183 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

forces  in  and  around  Washington,  came  to  my  office  and 
said: 

"  Here  is  So-and-So,  a  spy.  He  has  been  tried  by 
court-martial;  the  facts  are  perfectly  established,  he  has 
been  sentenced  to  death,  and  here  is  the  warrant  for  his 
execution,  which  is  fixed  for  to-morrow  morning  at  six 
o'clock.  The  President  is  away.  If  he  were  here,  the 
man  certainly  wouldn't  be  executed.  He  isn't  here.  I 
think  it  very  essential  to  the  safety  of  the  service  and 
the  safety  of  everything  that  an  example  should  be 
made  of  this  spy.  They  do  us  great  mischief;  and  it  is 
very  important  that  the  law  which  all  nations  recognize 
in  dealing  with  spies,  and  the  punishment  which  every 
nation  assigns  to  them,  should  be  inflicted  upon  at  least 
one  of  these  wretches  who  haunt  us  around  Washing 
ton.  Do  you  know  whether  the  President  will  be  back 
before  morning?  " 

"  I  understand  that  he  won't  be  back  until  to-mor 
row  afternoon,"  I  replied. 

"  Well,  as  the  President  is  not  here,  will  you  sign 
the  warrant?  " 

"  Go  to  Mr.  Stanton,"  I  said;  "  he  is  the  authority/' 

"  I  have  been  to  him,  and  he  said  I  should  come  to 
you." 

Well,  I  signed  the  order;  I  agreed  with  General 
Augur  in  his  view  of  the  question.  At  about  eleven 
o'clock  the  next  day  I  met  the  general.  "  The  President 
got  home  at  two  o'clock  this  morning,"  he  said,  "  and 
he  stopped  it  all." 

But  it  was  not  only  in  matters  of  life  and  death  that 
Mr.  Lincoln  was  merciful.  He  was  kind  at  heart  to- 

184 


Abraham  Lincoln  and  his  Cabinet. 

ward  all  the  world.  I  never  heard  him  say  an  unkind 
thing  about  anybody.  Now  and  then  he  would  laugh 
at  something  jocose  or  satirical  that  somebody  had  done 
or  said,  but  it  was  always  pleasant  humor.  He  would 
never  allow  the  wants  of  any  man  or  woman  to  go  unat 
tended  to  if  he  could  help  it.  I  noticed  his  sweetness 
of  nature  particularly  with  his  little  son,  a  child  at  that 
time  perhaps  seven  or  nine  years  old,  who  used  to  roam 
the  departments  and  whom  everybody  called  "  Tad." 
He  had  a  defective  palate,  and  couldn't  speak  very 
plainly.  Often  I  have  sat  by  his  father,  reporting  to  him 
some  important  matter  that  I  had  been  ordered  to  in 
quire  into,  and  he  would  have  this  boy  on  his  knee. 
While  he  would  perfectly  understand  the  report,  the 
striking  thing  about  him  was  his  affection  for  the  child. 
He  was  good  to  everybody.  Once  there  was  a  great 
gathering  at  the  White  House  on  New  Year's  Day,  and 
all  the  diplomats  came  in  their  uniforms,  and  all  the 
officers  of  the  army  and  navy  in  Washington  were  in 
full  costume.  A  little  girl  of  mine  said,  "  Papa,  couldn't 
you  take  me  over  to  see  that?  "  I  said,  "  Yes  ";  so  I 
took  her  over  and  put  her  in  a  corner,  where  she  be 
held  this  gorgeous  show.  When  it  was  finished,  I  went 
up  to  Mr.  Lincoln  and  said,  "  I  have  a  little  girl  here 
who  wants  to  shake  hands  with  you."  He  went  over 
to  her,  and  took  her  up  and  kissed  her  and  talked  to 
her.  She  will  never  forget  it  if  she  lives  to  be  a  thou 
sand  years  old. 


185 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

THE  ARMY   OF  THE   POTOMAC  IN   '64. 

Mr.  Lincoln  sends  Mr.  Dana  again  to  the  front — General  Halleck's  char 
acter — First  visit  to  the  Army  of  the  Potomac — General  Meade's 
good  qualities  and  bad — Winfield  Scott  Hancock — Early  acquaint 
ance  with  Sedgwick — His  death — Humphreys's  accomplishments 
as  a  soldier  and  as  a  swearer — Grant's  plan  of  campaign  against 
Lee — Incidents  at  Spottsylvania — The  "  Bloody  Angle." 

I  REMAINED  in  Washington  the  entire  winter  of 
1 863-' 64,  occupied  mainly  with  the  routine  business  of 
the  department.  Meantime  the  Chattanooga  victory 
had  made  Grant  the  great  military  figure  of  the  coun 
try,  and  deservedly  so.  The  grade  of  lieutenant  gen 
eral  had  been  immediately  revived  by  act  of  Congress, 
and  the  President  had  promptly  promoted  him  to  the 
new  rank,  and  made  him  general  in  chief  of  all  the 
armies  of  the  United  States.  His  military  prestige  was 
such  that  everything  was  put  into  his  hands,  everything 
yielded  to  his  wishes.  The  coming  of  Grant  was  a  great 
relief  to  the  President  and  the  Secretary.  Halleck,  the 
late  general  in  chief,  consented  to  serve  as  Grant's  chief 
of  staff  in  Washington,  practically  continuing  his  old 
service  of  chief  military  adviser  to  the  President  and  the 
Secretary  of  War,  while  Grant  took  the  field  in  active 
direction  of  operations  against  Richmond. 

186 


The  Army  of  the  Potomac  in  1864. 

Halleck  was  not  thought  to  be  a  great  man  in  the 
field,  but  he  was  nevertheless  a  man  of  military  ability, 
and  by  reason  of  his  great  accomplishments  in  the  tech 
nics  of  armies  and  of  war  was  almost  invaluable  as  an 
adviser  to  the  civilians  Lincoln  and  Stanton.  He  was 
an  honest  man,  perhaps  somewhat  lacking  in  moral 
courage,  yet  earnest  and  energetic  in  his  efforts  to  sus 
tain  the  national  government.  I  have  heard  Halleck 
accused  of  being  unjust  to  his  inferiors  in  rank,  espe 
cially  to  Grant.  I  believe  this  wrong.  I  never  thought 
him  unjust  to  anybody.  He  always  had  his  own  ideas, 
and  insisted  strenuously  on  following  his  own  course, 
but  I  never  detected  a  sign  of  injustice  in  his  conduct 
toward  others.  I  think  this  false  impression  came  from 
the  fact  that  he  was  a  very  critical  man.  The  first  im 
pulse  of  his  mind  toward  a  new  plan  was  not  enthusiasm; 
it  was  analysis,  criticism.  His  habit  of  picking  men 
and  manners  to  pieces  to  see  what  they  were  worth  gave 
the  idea  that  he  was  unjust  and  malicious  toward  cer 
tain  of  his  subordinates. 

It  was  March  when  Grant  came  to  Washington  to 
receive  his  new  grade  of  lieutenant  general.  Soon  after 
ward  he  joined  the  Army  of  the  Potomac.  On  the  4th 
of  May  he  had  moved  out  from  Culpeper,  where  the 
army  had  been  in  winter  quarters  since  the  previous 
December,  and  crossed  the  Rapidan  with  an  effective 
force  of  one  hundred  and  twenty  thousand  men.  Gen 
eral  Lee,  his  opponent,  had  about  seventy  thousand. 

For  two  days  after  Grant  moved  we  had  no  authentic 
reports  from  the  army,  although  it  was  known  that  great 
events  were  occurring.  Mr.  Stanton  and  Mr.  Lincoln 

187 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

had  begun  to  get  uneasy.  The  evening  of  May  6th 
I  was  at  a  reception  when  a  messenger  came  with  sum 
mons  to  the  War  Department.  I  hurried  over  to  the 
office  in  evening  dress.  The  President  was  there,  talk 
ing  very  soberly  with  Stanton. 

"  Dana,"  said  Mr.  Lincoln,  "  you  know  we  have 
been  in  the  dark  for  two  days  since  Grant  moved.  We 
are  very  much  troubled,  and  have  concluded  to  send 
you  down  there.  How  soon  can  you  start?  " 

"  In  half  an  hour,"  I  replied. 

In  about  that  time  I  had  an  engine  fired  up  at  Alex 
andria,  and  a  cavalry  escort  of  a  hundred  men  awaiting 
me  there.  I  had  got  into  my  camp  clothes,  had  bor 
rowed  a  pistol,  and  with  my  own  horse  was  aboard  the 
train  at  Maryland  Avenue  that  was  to  take  me  to  Alex 
andria.  My  only  baggage  was  a  tooth-brush.  I  was 
just  starting  when  an  orderly  galloped  up  with  word 
that  the  President  wished  to  see  me.  I  rode  back  to 
the  department  in  hot  haste.  Mr.  Lincoln  was  sitting 
in  the  same  place. 

"  Well,  Dana,"  said  he,  looking  up,  "  since  you  went 
away  I've  been  thinking  about  it.  I  don't  like  to  send 
you  down  there." 

"  But  why  not,  Mr.  President?  "  I  asked,  a  little  sur 
prised. 

"You  can't  tell,"  continued  the  President,  "just 
where  Lee  is  or  what  he  is  doing,  and  Jeb  Stuart  is  ram 
paging  around  pretty  lively  in  between  the  Rappahan- 
nock  and  the  Rapidan.  It's  a  considerable  risk,  and  I 
don't  like  to  expose  you  to  it." 

"  Mr.  President,"  I  said,  "  I  have  a  cavalry  guard 
188 


The  Army  of  the  Potomac  in  1864. 

ready  and  a  good  horse  myself.  If  we  are  attacked,  we 
probably  will  be  strong  enough  to  fight.  If  we  are  not 
strong  enough  to  fight,  and  it  comes  to  the  worst,  we 
are  equipped  to  run.  It's  getting  late,  and  I  want  to 
get  down  to  the  Rappahannock  by  daylight.  I  think 
I'll  start." 

"  Well,  now,  Dana/'  said  the  President,  with  a  little 
twinkle  in  his  eyes,  "  if  you  feel  that  way,  I  rather  wish 
you  would.  Good  night,  and  God  bless  you." 

By  seven  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  May  ?th  I  was 
at  the  Rappahannock,  where  I  found  a  rear  guard  of  the 
army.  I  stopped  there  for  breakfast,  and  then  hurried 
on  to  Grant's  headquarters,  which  were  at  Piney  Branch 
Meeting  House.  There  I  learned  of  the  crossing  of  the 
Rapidan  by  our  army,  and  of  the  desperate  battle  of 
the  Wilderness  on  May  5th  and  6th. 

The  Army  of  the  Potomac  was  then  composed  of 
the  Second,  Fifth,  Sixth,  and  Ninth  Army  Corps,  and 
of  one  cavalry  corps.  In  command  of  the  army  was 
Major-General  George  C.  Meade.  He  was  a  tall,  thin 
man,  rather  dyspeptic,  I  should  suppose  from  the  fits 
of  nervous  irritation  to  which  he  was  subject.  He  was 
totally  lacking  in  cordiality  toward  those  with  whom  he 
had  business,  and  in  consequence  was  generally  disliked 
by  his  subordinates.  With  General  Grant  Meade  got 
along  always  perfectly,  because  he  had  the  first  virtue 
of  a  soldier — that  is,  obedience  to  orders.  He  was  an 
intellectual  man,  and  agreeable  to  talk  with  when  his 
mind  was  free,  but  silent  and  indifferent  to  everybody 
when  he  was  occupied  with  that  which  interested  him. 

As  a  commander,  Meade  seemed  to  me  to  lack  the 
189 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

boldness  that  was  necessary  to  bring  the  war  to  a  close. 
He  lacked  self-confidence  and  tenacity  of  purpose,  and 
he  had  not  the  moral  authority  that  Grant  had  attained 
from  his  grand  successes  in  other  fields.  As  soon  as 
Meade  had  a  commander  over  him  he  was  all  right,  but 
when  he  himself  was  the  commander  he  began  to  hesi 
tate.  Meade  had  entirely  separate  headquarters  and  a 
separate  staff,  and  Grant  sent  his  orders  to  him. 

In  command  of  the  Second  Army  Corps  was  Major- 
General  W.  S.  Hancock.  He  was  a  splendid  fellow, 
a  brilliant  man,  as  brave  as  Julius  Caesar,  and  always 
ready  to  obey  orders,  especially  if  they  were  fighting 
orders.  He  had  more  of  the  aggressive  spirit  than  al 
most  anybody  else  in  that  army.  Major- General  G.  K. 
Warren,  who  commanded  the  Fifth  Army  Corps,  was 
an  accomplished  engineer.  Major-General  John  Sedg- 
wick  commanded  the  Sixth  Army  Corps.  I  had  known 
him  for  over  twenty  years.  Sedgwick  graduated  at 
West  Point  in  1837,  and  was  appointed  a  second  lieu 
tenant  in  the  Second  Artillery.  At  the  time  of  the  Mc- 
Kenzie  rebellion  in  Canada  Sedgwick' s  company  was 
stationed  at  Buffalo  during  a  considerable  time.  I  was 
living  in  Buffalo  then,  and  in  this  rebellion  the  young 
men  of  the  town  organized  a  regiment  of  city  guards, 
and  I  was  a  sergeant  in  one  of  those  companies,  so  that 
I  became  quite  familiar  with  all  the  military  movements 
then  going  on.  Then  it  was  that  I  got  acquainted  with 
Sedgwick.  He  was  a  very  solid  man;  no  flummery 
about  him.  You  could  always  tell  where  Sedgwick 
was  to  be  found,  and  in  a  battle  he  was  apt  to  be  found 
where  the  hardest  fighting  was.  He  was  not  an  ardent, 

190 


The  Army  of  the  Potomac  in  1864. 

impetuous  soldier  like  Hancock,  but  was  steady  and 
sure. 

Two  days  after  I  reached  the  army,  on  May  pth, 
not  far  from  Spottsylvania  Courthouse,  my  old  friend 
Sedgwick  was  killed.  He  had  gone  out  in  the  morning 
to  inspect  his  lines,  and,  getting  beyond  the  point  of 
safety,  was  struck  in  the  forehead  by  a  sharpshooter  and 
instantly  killed.  The  command  of  the  Sixth  Army  Corps 
was  given  to  General  H.  G.  Wright.  Wright  was  an 
other  engineer  officer,  well  educated,  of  good,  solid  in 
tellect,  with  capacity  for  command,  but  no  special 
predilection  for  fighting.  From  the  moment  Meade 
assumed  command  of  the  army,  two  days  before  Gettys 
burg,  the  engineers  rapidly  came  to  the  front,  for  Meade 
had  the  pride  of  corps  strongly  implanted  in  his  heart. 

Major-General  Burnside,  whom  I  had  last  seen  at 
Knoxville  in  December,  was  in  command  of  the  Ninth 
Army  Corps.  Immediately  after  the  siege  of  Knox 
ville,  at  his  own  request,  Burnside  had  been  relieved 
of  the  command  in  East  Tennessee  by  Major-General 
John  G.  Foster.  The  President  somehow  always  showed 
for  Burnside  great  respect  and  good  will.  After  Grant's 
plans  for  the  spring  campaign  were  made  known,  the 
Ninth  Corps  was  moved  by  rail  to  Annapolis,  where  it 
was  recruited  up  to  about  twenty-five  thousand  men. 
As  the  time  for  action  neared  it  was  set  in  motion,  and 
by  easy  marches  reached  and  re-enforced  the  Army  of 
the  Potomac  on  the  morning  of  the  6th  of  May,  in  the 
midst  of  the  battle  of  the  Wilderness.  It  was  not  for 
mally  incorporated  with  that  army  until  later,  but,  by 
a  sort  of  fiction,  it  was  held  to  be  a  distinct  army,  Burn- 

191 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

side  acting  in  concert  with  Meade,  and  receiving  his 
orders  directly  from  Grant,  as  did  Meade.  These  two 
armies  were  the  excuse  for  Grant's  personal  presence, 
without  actually  superseding  Meade. 

In  my  opinion,  the  great  soldier  of  the  Army  of 
the  Potomac  at  this  time  was  General  Humphreys.  He 
was  the  chief  of  staff  to  General  Meade,  and  was  a  strate 
gist,  a  tactician,  and  an  engineer.  Humphreys  was  a 
fighter,  too,  and  in  this  an  exception  to  most  engineers. 
He  was  a  very  interesting  figure.  He  used  to  ride  about 
in  a  black  felt  hat,  the  brim  of  which  was  turned  down 
all  around,  making  him  look  like  a  Quaker.  He  was 
very  pleasant  to  deal  with,  unless  you  were  fighting 
against  him,  and  then  he  was  not  so  pleasant.  He  was 
one  of  the  loudest  swearers  that  I  ever  knew.  The  men 
of  distinguished  and  brilliant  profanity  in  the  war  were 
General  Sherman  and  General  Humphreys — I  could  not 
mention  any  others  that  could  be  classed  with  them. 
General  Logan  also  was  a  strong  swearer,  but  he  was 
not  a  West  Pointer:  he  was  a  civilian.  Sherman  and 
Humphreys  would  swear  to  make  everything  blue  when 
some  dispatch  had  not  been  delivered  correctly  or  they 
were  provoked.  Humphreys  was  a  very  charming  man, 
quite  destitute  of  vanity.  I  think  he  had  consented  to 
go  and  serve  with  Meade  as  chief  of  staff  out  of  pure 
patriotism.  He  preferred  an  active  command,  and 
eventually,  on  the  eve  of  the  end,  succeeded  to  the  com 
mand  of  the  Second  Corps,  and  bore  a  conspicuous  part 
in  the  Appomattox  campaign. 

Meade  was  in  command  of  the  Army  of  the  Poto 
mac,  but  it  was  Grant,  the  lieutenant  general  of  the 

192 


The  Army  of  the  Potomac  in  1864. 

armies  of  the  United  States,  who  was  really  directing 
the  movements.  The  central  idea  of  the  campaign  had 
not  developed  to  the  army  when  I  reached  headquar 
ters,  but  it  was  soon  clear  to  everybody.  Grant's  great 
operation  was  the  endeavor  to  interpose  the  Federal 
army  between  Lee's  army  and  Richmond,  so  as  to  cut 
Lee  off  from  his  base  of  supplies.  He  meant  to  get 
considerably  in  advance  of  Lee — between  him  and  Rich 
mond — thus  compelling  Lee  to  leave  his  intrenchments 
and  hasten  southward.  If  in  the  collision  thus  forced 
Grant  found  that  he  could  not  smash  Lee,  he  meant  to 
make  another  move  to  get  behind  his  army.  That  was 
to  be  the  strategy  of  the  campaign  of  1864.  That  was 
what  Lee  thwarted,  though  he  had  a  narrow  escape 
more  than  once. 

The  first  encounter  with  Lee  had  taken  place  in  the 
Wilderness  on  May  5th  and  6th.  The  Confederates  and 
many  Northern  writers  love  to  call  the  Wilderness  a 
drawn  battle.  It  was  not  so;  in  every  essential  light 
it  was  a  Union  victory.  Grant  had  not  intended  to 
fight  a  battle  in  those  dense,  brushy  jungles,  but  Lee 
precipitated  it  just  as  he  had  precipitated  the  battle  of 
Chancellorsville  one  year  before,  and  not  six  miles  to 
the  eastward  of  this  very  ground.  In  doing  so  he  hoped 
to  neutralize  the  superior  numbers  of  Grant  as  he  had 
Hooker's,  and  so  to  mystify  and  handle  the  Union  leader 
as  to  compel  a  retreat  across  the  Rapidan.  But  he 
failed.  Some  of  the  fighting  in  the  brush  was  a  draw, 
but  the  Union  army  did  not  yield  a  rood  of  ground; 
it  held  the  roads  southward,  inflicted  great  losses  on 
its  enemy,  and  then,  instead  of  recrossing  the  river,  re- 
14  193 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

sumed  its  march  toward  Richmond  as  soon  as  Lee's 
attacks  had  ceased.  Lee  had  palpably  failed  in  his  ob 
jects.  His  old-time  tactics  had  made  no  impression  on 
Grant.  He  never  offered  general  battle  in  the  open 
afterward. 

The  previous  history  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac 
had  been  to  advance  and  fight  a  battle,  then  either  to 
retreat  or  to  lie  still,  and  finally  to  go  into  winter  quar 
ters.  Grant  did  not  intend  to  proceed  in  that  way. 
As  soon  as  he  had  fought  a  battle  and  had  not  routed 
Lee,  he  meant  to  move  nearer  to  Richmond  and  fight 
another  battle.  But  the  men  in  the  army  had  become 
so  accustomed  to  the  old  methods  of  campaigning  that 
few,  if  any,  of  them  believed  that  the  new  commander 
in  chief  would  be  able  to  do  differently  from  his  prede 
cessors.  I  remember  distinctly  the  sensation  in  the 
ranks  when  the  rumor  first  went  around  that  our  posi 
tion  was  south  of  Lee's.  It  was  the  morning  of  May 
8th.  The  night  before  the  army  had  made  a  forced 
march  on  Spottsylvania  Courthouse.  There  was  no  in 
dication  the  next  morning  that  Lee  had  moved  in  any 
direction.  As  the  army  began  to  realize  that  we  were 
really  moving  south,  and  at  that  moment  were  prob 
ably  much  nearer  Richmond  than  was  our  enemy,  the 
spirits  of  men  and  officers  rose  to  the  highest  pitch  of 
animation.  On  every  hand  I  heard  the  cry,  "  On  to 
Richmond!" 

But  there  were  to  be  a  great  many  more  obstacles 
to  our  reaching  Richmond  than  General  Grant  himself, 
I  presume,  realized  on  May  8,  1864.  We  met  one  that 
very  morning;  for  when  our  advance  reached  Spottsyl- 

194 


The  Army  of  the  Potomac  in  1864. 

vania  Courthouse  it  found  Lee's  troops  there,  ready  to 
dispute  the  right  of  way  with  us,  and  two  days  later 
Grant  was  obliged  to  fight  the  battle  of  Spottsylvania 
before  we  could  make  another  move  south. 

It  is  no  part  of  my  present  plan  to  go  into  detailed 
description  of  all  the  battles  of  this  campaign,  but  rather 
to  dwell  on  the  incidents  and  deeds  which  impressed  me 
most  deeply  at  the  moment.  In  the  battle  of  Spottsyl 
vania,  a  terrific  struggle,  with  many  dramatic  features, 
there  is  nothing  I  remember  more  distinctly  than  a  little 
scene  in  General  Grant's  tent  between  him  and  a  cap 
tured  Confederate  officer,  General  Edward  Johnson. 
The  battle  had  begun  on  the  morning  of  May  loth,  and 
had  continued  all  day.  On  the  nth  the  armies  had 
rested,  but  at  half  past  four  on  the  morning  of  the  I2th 
fighting  had  been  begun  by  an  attack  by  Hancock  on 
a  rebel  salient.  Hancock  attacked  with  his  accustomed 
impetuosity,  storming  and  capturing  the  enemy's  forti 
fied  line,  with  some  four  thousand  prisoners  and  twenty 
cannon.  The  captures  included  nearly  all  of  Major- 
General  Edward  Johnson's  division,  together  with  John 
son  himself  and  General  George  H.  Steuart. 

I  was  at  Grant's  headquarters  when  General  John 
son  was  brought  in  a  prisoner.  He  was  a  West  Pointer, 
and  had  been  a  captain  in  the  old  army  before  secession, 
and  was  an  important  officer  in  the  Confederate  serv 
ice,  having  distinguished  himself  in  the  Valley  in  1863, 
and  at  Gettysburg.  Grant  had  not  seen  him  since  they 
had  been  in  Mexico  together.  The  two  men  shook 
hands  cordially,  and  at  once  began  a  brisk  conversa 
tion,  which  was  very  interesting  to  me,  because  nothing 

195 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

was  said  in  it  on  the  subject  in  which  they  were  both 
most  interested  just  then — that  is,  the  fight  that  was 
going  on,  and  the  surprise  that  Hancock  had  effected. 
It  was  the  past  alone  of  which  they  talked. 

It  was  quite  early  in  the  morning  when  Hancock's 
prisoners  were  brought  in.  The  battle  raged  without 
cessation  throughout  the  day,  Wright  and  Hancock 
bearing  the  brunt  of  it.  Burnside  made  several  attacks, 
in  which  his  troops  generally  bore  themselves  like  good 
soldiers.  The  results  of  the  battle  of  Spottsylvania  were 
that  we  had  crowded  the  enemy  out  of  some  of  his 
most  important  positions,  had  weakened  him  by  losses 
of  between  nine  thousand  and  ten  thousand  men  killed, 
wounded,  and  captured,  besides  many  battle  flags  and 
much  artillery,  and  that  our  troops  rested  victorious 
upon  the  ground  they  had  fought  for. 

After  the  battle  was  over  and  firing  had  nearly 
ceased,  Rawlins  and  I  went  out  to  ride  over  the  field. 
We  went  first  to  the  salient  which  Hancock  had  attacked 
in  the  morning.  The  two  armies  had  struggled  for 
hours  for  this  point,  and  the  loss  had  been  so  terrific 
that  the  place  has  always  been  known  since  as  the 
"  Bloody  Angle."  The  ground  around  the  salient  had 
been  trampled  and  cut  in  the  struggle  until  it  was  al 
most  impassable  for  one  on  horseback,  so  Rawlins  and 
I  dismounted  and  climbed  up  the  bank  over  the  outer 
line  of  the  rude  breastworks.  Within  we  saw  a  fence 
over  which  earth  evidently  had  been  banked,  but  which 
now  was  bare  and  half  down.  It  was  here  the  fighting 
had  been  fiercest.  We  picked  our  way  to  this  fence,  and 
stopped  to  look  over  the  scene.  The  night  was  coming 


The  Army  of  the  Potomac  in  1864. 

on,  and,  after  the  horrible  din  of  the  day,  the  silence 
was  intense;  nothing  broke  it  but  distant  and  occasional 
firing  or  the  low  groans  of  the  wounded.  I  remember 
that  as  I  stood  there  I  was  almost  startled  to  hear  a  bird 
twittering  in  a  tree.  All  around  us  the  underbrush  and 
trees,  which  were  just  beginning  to  be  green,  had  been 
riddled  and  burnt.  The  ground  was  thick  with  dead 
and  wounded  men,  among  whom  the  relief  corps  was 
at  work.  The  earth,  which  was  soft  from  the  heavy 
rains  we  had  been  having  before  and  during  the  battle, 
had  been  trampled  by  the  fighting  of  the  thousands  of 
men  until  it  was  soft,  like  thin  hasty  pudding.  Over 
the  fence  against  which  we  leaned  lay  a  great  pool  of 
this  mud,  its  surface  as  smooth  as  that  of  a  pond. 

As  we  stood  there,  looking  silently  down  at  it,  of 
a  sudden  the  leg  of  a  man  was  lifted  up  from  the  pool 
and  the  mud  dripped  off  his  boot.  It  was  so  unex 
pected,  so  horrible,  that  for  a  moment  we  were  stunned. 
Then  we  pulled  ourselves  together  and  called  to  some 
soldiers  near  by  to  rescue  the  owner  of  the  leg.  They 
pulled  him  out  with  but  little  trouble,  and  discovered 
that  he  was  not  dead,  only  wounded.  He  was  taken  to 
the  hospital,  where  he  got  well,  I  believe. 

The  first  news  which  passed  through  the  ranks  the 
morning  after  the  battle  of  Spottsylvania  was  that  Lee 
had  abandoned  his  position  during  the  night.  Though 
our  army  was  greatly  fatigued  from  the  enormous  ef 
forts  of  the  day  before,  the  news  of  Lee's  departure  in 
spired  the  men  with  fresh  energy,  and  everybody  was 
eager  to  be  in  pursuit.  Our  skirmishers  soon  found  the 
enemy  along  the  whole  line,  however,  and  the  conclu- 

197 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

sion  was  that  their  retrograde  movement  had  been  made 
to  correct  their  position  after  the  loss  of  the  key  points 
taken  from  them  the  day  before,  and  that  they  were  still 
with  us  in  a  new  line  as  strong  as  the  old  one.  Of  course, 
we  could  not  determine  this  point  without  a  battle,  and 
nothing  was  done  that  day  to  provoke  one.  It  was 
necessary  to  rest  the  men. 

In  changing  his  lines  Lee  had  left  more  uncovered 
the  roads  leading  southward  along  his  right  wing,  and 
Grant  ordered  Meade  to  throw  the  corps  of  Warren, 
which  held  the  right,  and  the  corps  of  Wright,  which 
held  the  center  of  Meade's  army,  to  the  left  of  Burnside, 
leaving  Hancock  upon  our  right.  If  not  interrupted, 
Grant  thought  by  this  maneuvre  to  turn  Lee's  flank  and 
compel  him  to  move  southward. 

The  movement  of  the  two  corps  to  our  left  was  exe 
cuted  during  the  night  of  May  I3th  and  I4th,  but  for 
three  days  it  had  rained  steadily,  and  the  roads  were 
so  bad  that  Wright  and  Warren  did  not  get  up  to  sur 
prise  the  enemy  at  daylight  as  ordered.  The  only  en 
gagement  brought  on  by  this  move  was  an  active  little 
fight  over  a  conspicuous  hill,  with  a  house  and  planta 
tion  buildings  upon  it.  The  hill,  which  was  on  our  left 
and  the  enemy's  right,  was  valuable  as  a  lookout  rather 
than  for  offensive  operations.  Upton  took  it  in  the 
morning,  and  later  the  enemy  retook  it.  General  Meade, 
who  was  there  at  that  moment,  narrowly  escaped  cap 
ture.  Our  men  very  handsomely  carried  the  hill  again 
that  evening. 

The  two  armies  were  then  lying  in  a  semicircle,  the 
Federal  left  well  around  toward  the  south.  We  were 

198 


Army  of  the  Potomac  in  1864. 

concentrated  to  the  last  degree,  and,  so  far  as  we  could 
tell,  Lee's  forces  were  equally  compact.  On  the  I5th, 
1 6th,  and  i/th,  we  lay  in  about  the  same  position.  This 
inactivity  was  caused  by  the  weather.  A  pouring  rain 
had  begun  on  the  nth,  and  it  continued  until  the  morn 
ing  of  the  1 6th;  the  mud  was  so  deep  that  any  offensive 
operation,  however  successful,  could  not  be  followed  up. 
There  was  nothing  to  do  but  lie  still  and  wait  for  better 
weather  and  drier  roads. 

While  waiting  for  the  rain  to  stop,  we  had  time  to 
consider  the  field  returns  of  losses  as  they  were  handed 
in.  The  army  had  left  winter  quarters  at  Culpeper 
Courthouse  on  May  4th,  and  on  May  i6th  the  total 
of  killed,  wounded,  and  missing  in  both  the  Army  of 
the  Potomac  and  the  Ninth  Corps  amounted  to  a  little 
over  thirty-three  thousand  men.  The  missing  alone 
amounted  to  forty-nine  hundred,  but  some  of  these 
were,  in  fact,  killed  or  wounded.  When  Grant  looked 
over  the  returns,  he  expressed  great  regret  at  the  loss 
of  so  many  men.  Meade,  who  was  with  him,  remarked, 
as  I  remember,  "  Well,  General,  we  can't  do  these  little 
tricks  without  losses." 


199 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

THE  GREAT  GAME  BETWEEN  GRANT  AND  LEE. 

Maneuvering  and  fighting  in  the  rain,  mud,  and  thickets — Virginian 
conditions  of  warfare — Within  eight  miles  of  Richmond — The  bat 
tle  of  Cold  Harbor — The  tremendous  losses  of  the  campaign — The 
charge  of  butchery  against  Grant  considered  in  the  light  of  statis 
tics — What  it  cost  in  life  and  blood  to  take  Richmond. 

BY  the  afternoon  of  May  i/th  the  weather  was  splen 
did,  and  the  roads  were  rapidly  becoming  dry,  even 
where  the  mud  was  worst.  Grant  determined  to  en 
gage  Lee,  and  orders  for  a  decisive  movement  of  the 
army  were  issued,  to  be  executed  during  the  night.  At 
first  he  proposed  an  attack  upon  the  enemy's  right, 
but  changed  the  plan.  Instead  of  attacking  there,  Han 
cock  and  Wright  made  a  night  march  back  to  our  right 
flank,  and  attacked  at  daylight  upon  the  same  lines 
where  Hancock  made  his  successful  assault  on  the  I2th. 
They  succeeded  in  pressing  close  to  the  enemy's  lines, 
and  for  a  time  were  confident  that  at  last  they  had  struck  . 
the  lair  of  the  enemy,  but  an  impassable  abatis  stopped 
them.  One  division  of  Hancock's  corps  attempted  in 
vain  to  charge  through  this  obstacle,  and  held  the 
ground  before  it  for  an  hour  or  more  under  a  galling 
fire  of  canister.  The  difficulty  of  storming  the  enemy's 
intrenched  camp  on  that  side  being  evidently  of  the 
most  extreme  character,  and  both  corps  having  artfully 

200 


The  Great  Game  between  Grant  and  Lee. 

but  unsuccessfully  sought  for  a  weak  point  where  they 
might  break  through,  Grant,  at  nine  o'clock,  ordered 
the  attack  to  cease.  The  attempt  was  a  failure.  Lee 
was  not  to  be  ousted;  and  Grant,  convinced  of  it,  issued 
orders  for  another  movement  which  he  had  had  in 
contemplation  for  several  days,  but  which  he  did  not 
wish  to  try  till  after  a  last  attempt  to  get  the  enemy 
out  of  his  stronghold.  This  was  nothing  less  than 
to  slip  away  from  Lee  and  march  on  toward  Richmond 
again. 

The  new  order  directed  that  Hancock's  corps  should 
march  by  night  from  its  present  position  southeast  as 
far  toward  Richmond  on  the  line  of  the  Fredericksburg 
road  as  he  could  go,  fighting  his  way  if  necessary. 
Warren  was  to  follow,  and,  if  Lee  did  not  come  out  and 
attack  when  our  army  was  thus  weakened,  Wright  and 
Burnside  also  were  to  march  southward. 

This  movement  was  begun  on  the  night  of  the  2Oth. 
By  the  night  of  the  2ist  Hancock  was  across  the  Mattap- 
ony  River  at  Milford.  Warren  had  crossed  the  same 
river  at  Guiney's  Station,  the  point  to  which  Grant  had 
moved  his  headquarters.  By  the  morning  of  the  22d 
Wright  and  Burnside  were  up  in  safety,  and  the  forward 
movement  was  continued.  We  were  now  in  a  fine, 
clear  country,  good  to  move  in  and  fight  in,  and  the 
advance  of  the  22d  was  most  successful.  By  night  our 
army  lay  in  an  east  and  west  line  along  the  Mattapony 
River,  holding  the  crossings.  On  the  right  was  Wright; 
close  to  him  at  the  left,  Warren;  in  the  center,  Burn- 
side;  on  the  left,  Hancock.  Our  headquarters  were  at 
New  Bethel  Church.  Our  talk  that  night  was  that  in 

201 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

all  probability  we  should  meet  the  enemy  on  the  North 
Anna,  a  day's  march  to  the  south  of  our  position. 

The  operations  of  the  next  day  were  much  embar 
rassed  by  our  ignorance  of  the  road  and  the  entire  in 
correctness  of  our  maps;  nevertheless,  by  one  o'clock 
in  the  afternoon  our  right  wing,  under  Warren,  reached 
the  North  Anna.  The  stream  there  was  about  one  hun 
dred  and  fifty  feet  wide,  with  bluff  banks  from  fifty  to 
seventy-five  feet  high.  Wright  followed  after  Warren. 
As  soon  as  Warren  reached  Jericho  Mills  he  pushed  his 
sharpshooters  across  the  stream,  which  was  easily  ford- 
able  at  that  place,  following  them  with  a  compact  body 
of  infantry.  A  Confederate  regiment  posted  to  watch 
the  crossing  at  once  gave  way,  leaving  a  single  prisoner 
in  our  hands.  From  this  man  Warren  learned  that  an 
other  of  the  enemy's  divisions  was  drawn  up  to  receive 
him  near  by.  Under  the  orders  of  General  Grant,  he 
promptly  threw  across  the  pontoon  bridge,  over  which 
he  rapidly  moved  his  artillery,  at  the  same  time  urg 
ing  forward  his  infantry  by  the  ford  as  well  as  by  the 
bridge;  and  by  five  o'clock  he  had  transported  his  en 
tire  command,  and  had  taken  up  a  position  of  great 
strength.  Here  he  rapidly  commenced  intrenching 
himself. 

Grant  had  by  this  time  moved  his  headquarters  up 
to  Mount  Carmel  Church,  some  four  miles  from  Jericho 
Mills.  About  six  o'clock  we  knew  from  the  firing  that 
Warren  had  been  attacked.  I  never  heard  more  rapid 
or  heavier  firing,  either  of  artillery  or  musketry.  It 
was  not  until  about  half  past  ten  that  evening  that  we 
knew  surely  how  the  fight  had  gone;  then  a  dispatch 

202 


The  Great  Game  between  Grant  and  Lee. 

from  Warren  announced  that  he  had  triumphantly  re 
pulsed  the  enemy,  and  made  considerable  captures  of 
prisoners. 

About  the  same  time  that  Warren  was  fighting  for 
his  position  at  Jericho  Mills,  Hancock  advanced  on  our 
left.  By  a  vigorous  charge  of  two  brigades  of  Birney's 
division,  the  enemy  was  driven  over  the  North  Anna 
River.  The  next  morning  Hancock  crossed  over.  That 
same  morning,  May  24th,  we  found  that,  as  a  result  of 
the  operations  of  the  previous  day,  we  had  about  one 
thousand  prisoners.  They  were  more  discouraged 
than  any  set  of  prisoners  I  ever  saw  before.  Lee  had 
deceived  them,  they  said,  and  they  declared  that  his 
army  would  not  fight  again  except  behind  breast 
works. 

The  general  opinion  of  every  prominent  officer  in 
the  army  on  the  morning  of  the  24th  was  that  the 
enemy  had  fallen  back,  either  to  take  up  a  position  be 
yond  the  South  Anna  or  to  go  to  Richmond,  but  by 
noon  the  next  day  we  knew  this  was  a  mistake.  All 
through  the  day  of  the  24th  Lee  blocked  our  south 
ward  march.  The  opinion  prevailed  that  the  enemy's 
position  was  held  by  a  rear  guard  only,  but  the  ob 
stinacy  of  their  skirmishers  was  regarded  as  very  re 
markable.  About  dark  Hancock  made  an  attack,  break 
ing  into  the  Confederate  line  of  works,  taking  some 
prisoners,  and  satisfying  himself  that  a  whole  corps  was 
before  him.  Soon  afterward  the  division  of  Gibbon 
was  attacked,  but  it  beat  back  the  assault  handsomely 
without  any  considerable  loss.  Just  before  dark  Crit- 
tenden — the  same  Crittenden  who  was  at  Chickamauga 

203 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

— was  also  suddenly  attacked,  and  one  of  his  brigades 
damaged.  No  fighting  of  any  moment  took  place  on 
the  morning  of  the  25th,  but  the  enemy  showed  such 
strength  as  to  leave  no  doubt  that  Lee's  whole  army 
was  present.  His  intrenchments  were  in  the  form  of 
the  letter  V.  He  showed  artillery  on  both  faces.  By 
the  morning  of  the  25th  Grant  was  sure  that  Lee  was 
before  him  and  strongly  intrenched.  He  soon  deter 
mined  on  a  new  move.  This  was  to  withdraw  his  whole 
army  as  quickly  as  possible,  and,  before  Lee  discovered 
his  intention,  to  move  it  southeast,  across  the  Pamun- 
key,  and  perhaps  on  across  the  Chickahominy  and  the 
James,  if  he  could  not  meanwhile  get  Lee  out  of  his 
earthworks. 

The  orders  for  the  new  move  were  received  with  the 
best  spirit  by  the  army,  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  the 
men  were  much  jaded.  Indeed,  one  of  the  most  impor 
tant  results  of  the  campaign  thus  far  was  the  entire 
change  which  had  taken  place  in  the  feelings  of  the 
armies.  The  Confederates  had  lost  all  confidence,  and 
were  already  morally  defeated.  Our  army  had  learned 
to  believe  that  it  was  sure  of  ultimate  victory.  Even 
our  officers  had  ceased  to  regard  Lee  as  an  invincible 
military  genius.  On  the  part  of  the  enemy  this  change 
was  evinced  not  only  by  their  not  attacking,  even  when 
circumstances  seemed  to  invite  it,  but  by  the  unanimous 
statements  of  prisoners  taken  from  them. 

The  morning  after  we  began  to  move  from  our  posi 
tion  on  the  North  Anna  I  was  so  confident  that  I  wrote 
Mr.  Stanton,  "  Rely  upon  it,  the  end  is  near  as  well  as 


sure." 


204 


The  Great  Game  between  Grant  and  Lee. 

It  was  on  the  night  of  the  26th  that  our  army  was 
withdrawn  from  the  North  Anna,  without  loss  or  dis 
turbance,  and  by  the  evening  of  the  27th  Grant  had 
his  headquarters  ten  miles  from  Hanovertown,  and  his 
whole  army  was  well  up  toward  the  crossing.  We  had 
no  news  of  Lee's  movements  that  day,  though  we  heard 
that  there  was  a  force  of  the  enemy  at  Hanover  Court 
house.  Grant  himself  was  very  doubtful  that  day  of 
our  getting  across  the  Hanover  Ferry;  he  told  me  that 
we  might  be  obliged  to  go  farther  to  the  southeast  to 
get  over.  On  the  morning  of  the  27th  Sheridan  and 
his  cavalry  seized  the  ferry,  laying  bridges,  and,  after 
crossing,  advancing  well  beyond.  Everything  went  on 
finely  that  night  and  during  the  28th,  the  troops. pass 
ing  our  headquarters  in  great  numbers  and  very  rapidly. 
By  noon  of  the  28th  the  movement  of  the  army  across 
the  Pamunkey  was  complete,  with  the  exception  of 
Burnside,  who  did  not  arrive  until  midnight.  The 
movement  had  been  executed  with  admirable  celerity 
and  success.  The  new  position  was  one  of  great 
strength,  our  lines  extending  from  the  Pamunkey  to 
Totopotomoy  Creek.  Wright  was  on  the  Pamunkey, 
Hancock  on  his  left,  and  Warren  on  the  Totopotomoy. 
The  orders  for  that  day  were  to  let  the  men  rest,  though 
both  officers  and  men  were  in  high  spirits  at  the  suc 
cessful  execution  of  this  long  and.  difficult  flank  move 
ment. 

We  were  now  south  of  the  Pamunkey,  and  occupy 
ing  a  very  strong  position,  but  we  did  not  know  yet 
where  Lee  was.  A  general  reconnaissance  was  at 
once  ordered,  and  the  enemy  was  found  in  force  south 

205 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  IPar. 

of  the  Totopotomoy  Creek;  by  the  3Oth  there  was  no 
doubt  that  Lee's  whole  army,  now  re-enforced  by  thir 
teen  thousand  men,  was  close  at  hand  and  strongly 
intrenched  again.  Grant  said  he  would  fight  here  if 
there  was  a  fair  chance,  but  he  declared  emphatically 
he  would  not  run  his  head  against  heavy  works. 

Our  line  began  to  push  forward  on  the  3Oth.  All 
the  afternoon  of  that  day  at  headquarters,  which  were 
now  at  Hawes's  Shop,  we  heard  the  noise  of  fighting. 
First  Warren  on  the  left,  who  had  reached  a  point  only 
about  seven  miles  and  a  half  from  Richmond,  had  a 
short,  sharp,  and  decisive  engagement  with  Early;  and 
later  an  active  conflict  raged  for  some  time  with  our 
right  on  the  Totopotomoy.  We  were  successful  all 
along  the  line.  The  next  day,  the  3ist,  we  pushed 
ahead  until  our  lines  lay  from  Bethesda  Church,  on 
the  east,  to  the  railroad,  on  the  west.  Desultory  firing 
was  constantly  heard,  but  there  was  no  very  active 
fighting  that  day  until  about  five  o'clock  in  the  after 
noon,  when  Sheridan's  cavalry,  by  hard  work,  drove 
out  the  enemy  and  secured  Cold  Harbor,  which  was 
at  that  moment  of  vast  importance  to  us  strateg 
ically. 

It  was  determined  to  make  a  fight  here  before  the 
enemy  could  intrench.  Wright  was  at  once  ordered  to 
have  his  whole  force  on  the  ground  by  daylight  on  the 
ist  of  June,  to  support  Sheridan  and  take  the  offensive. 
"  Baldy  "  Smith,  of  Butler's  army,  who  had  landed  at 
White  House  on  the  3ist  with  twelve  thousand  five 
hundred  men,  was  ordered  to  the  aid  of  Wright  and 
Sheridan.  But  there  was  an  error  in  Smith's  orders, 

206 


The  Great  Game  between  Grant  and  Lee. 

and  Wright's  march  was  so  long  that  his  corps  did  not 
get  up  to  Cold  Harbor  until  the  afternoon  of  the  ist. 
Meanwhile  Sheridan's  cavalry  had  repulsed  two  at 
tacks  by  two  brigades  of  Kershaw's  infantry. 

It  was  not  until  six  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  that  we 
at  headquarters  at  Bethesda  Church  heard  the  cannon 
which  indicated  that  an  attack  had  at  last  been  made 
by  Wright  and  Smith.  From  the  sounds  of  artillery 
and  musketry,  we  judged  the  fight  was  furious.  Rick- 
ett's  division  broke  through  the  rebel  lines  between 
Hoke  and  Kershaw,  capturing  five  hundred  prisoners, 
and  forcing  the  enemy  to  take  up  a  new  position  farther 
back.  Smith's  troops  effected  lodgments  close  up  to 
the  Confederate  intrenchments.  Our  losses  this  day 
were  twenty-two  hundred  men  in  these  two  corps.  War 
ren  was  slightly  engaged.  Altogether  they  had  done 
very  well,  but  meanwhile  Lee  was  again  concentrated 
and  intrenched  in  our  front. 

Hancock  was  ordered  to  move  during  the  night, 
and  his  advance  arrived  at  Cold  Harbor  about  daylight. 
When  I  got  up  in  the  morning — I  was  then  at  Bethesda 
Church — his  rear  was  marching  past  our  headquarters. 
In  conjunction  with  Wright  and  Smith,  he  was  to  fall 
upon  Lee's  right  that  day.  Warren  and  Burnside  were 
also  ordered  in  as  soon  as  they  heard  that  the  three 
corps  on  our  left  had  begun  battle.  There  was  no  battle 
that  day,  however.  Hancock's  men  were  so  tired  with 
their  forced  march  of  nearly  twelve  miles,  and  the  heat 
and  dust  were  so  oppressive,  that  General  Grant  or 
dered  the  attack  to  be  postponed  until  half  past  four 
o'clock  the  next  morning. 

207 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

So  the  battle  Grant  sought  did  not  come  until  June 
3d — that  of  Cold  Harbor.  On  the  morning  of  the  3d 
our  line  lay  with  the  right  at  Bethesda  Church,  the  left 
extending  to  the  Chickahominy.  Hancock  commanded 
the  left;  next  to  him  was  Wright,  with  his  corps  drawn 
up  in  three  lines;  next,  Smith,  with  the  Eighteenth 
Corps  in  two  lines;  next,  Warren,  who  had  his  whole 
command  in  a  single  line,  the  distance  he  covered  being 
fully  three  miles.  With  this  thin  order  of  battle  he  was 
necessarily  unable  to  make  any  effective  assault.  Burn- 
side  held  the  extreme  right.  Hancock,  Wright,  and 
Smith  were  to  make  the  main  attacks  at  daybreak. 
Promptly  at  the  hour  they  dashed  out  toward  the  rebel 
lines,  under  a  fearful  fire  of  musketry  and  a  cross  fire  of 
artillery.  The  losses  were  great,  but  we  gained  advan 
tages  here  and  there.  The  entire  charge  consumed 
hardly  more  than  an  hour.  Barlow,  of  Hancock's  corps, 
drove  through  a  very  strong  line,  and  at  five  o'clock 
reported  that  he  had  taken  intrenchments  with  guns 
and  colors,  but  he  could  not  stay  there.  An  interior 
breastwork  commanded  the  one  he  had  carried,  and  his 
men  had  to  withdraw,  leaving  behind  them  the  captured 
cannon,  and  bringing  out  a  single  Confederate  standard 
and  two  hundred  and  twenty  prisoners  as  tokens  of  their 
brief  success.  Wright  and  Smith  succeeded  in  carry 
ing  the  first  line  of  rifle-pits,  but  could  get  no  farther 
to  the  front.  All  our  forces  held  ground  close  up  to 
the  enemy.  At  some  points  they  were  intrenched  within 
a  hundred  feet  of  the  rebel  breastworks.  Burnside,  on 
the  right,  captured  some  rifle-pits.  Later  he  was  at 
tacked  by  Early,  who  was  roughly  handled  and  repulsed. 

208 


Great  Game  between  Grant  and  Lee. 

Warren  was  active,  and  repulsed  a  vigorous  attack  by 
Gordon. 

Thus  by  noon  we  had  fully  developed  the  Confed 
erate  lines,  and  Grant  could  see  what  was  necessary  in 
order  to  get  through  them.  Hancock  reported  that  in 
his  front  it  could  not  be  done.  Wright  was  decidedly 
of  the  opinion  that  a  lodgment  could  be  made  in  his 
front,  but  it  would  be  difficult  to  make  much  by  it  un 
less  Hancock  and  Smith  could  also  advance.  Smith 
thought  he  could  carry  the  works  before  him,  but  was 
not  sanguine.  Burnside  also  thought  he  could  get 
through,  but  Warren,  who  was  nearest  him,  did  not 
seem  to  share  his  opinion.  In  this  state  of  things,  at 
half  past  one  o'clock,  General  Grant  ordered  the  attack 
to  be  suspended.  He  had  told  Meade  as  early  as  seven 
in  the  morning  to  suspend  the  movement  if  it  became 
evident  that  success  was  impossible. 

This  was  the  battle  of  Cold  Harbor,  which  has  been 
exaggerated  into  one  of  the  bloodiest  disasters  of  his 
tory,  a  reckless,  useless  waste  of  human  life.  It  was 
nothing  of  the  kind.  The  outlook  warranted  the  effort. 
The  breaking  of  Lee's  lines  meant  his  destruction  and 
the  collapse  of  the  rebellion.  Sheridan  took  the  same 
chances  at  Five  Forks  ten  months  later,  and  won;  so 
did  Wright,  Humphreys,  Gibbon,  and  others  at  Peters 
burg.  They  broke  through  far  stronger  lines  than  those 
at  Cold  Harbor,  and  Lee  fled  in  the  night  toward  Ap- 
pomattox.  So  it  would  have  been  at  Cold  Harbor  if 
Grant  had  won,  and  who  would  have  thought  of  the 
losses? 

While  we  lay  at  Cold  Harbor,  as  when  we  had  been 
J5  209 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 


at  Spottsylvania,  the  principal  topic  of  conversation  was 
the  losses  of  the  army.  The  discussion  has  never  ceased. 
There  are  still  many  persons  who  bitterly  accuse  Grant 
of  butchery  in  this  campaign.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  Grant 
lost  fewer  men  in  his  successful  effort  to  take  Richmond 
and  end  the  war  than  his  predecessors  lost  in  making 
the  same  attempt  and  failing.  An  official  table,  showing 
the  aggregate  of  the  losses  sustained  by  the  armies  of 
McDowell,  McClellan,  Pope,  Burnside,  Hooker,  Meade, 
Butler,  and  Ord,  in  the  effort  to  capture  the  Confederate 
capital,  is  appended: 

Comparative  Statement  of  the  Losses  sustained  in  Action  by  the 
Army  of  Northeastern  Virginia,  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  and 
the  Army  of  Virginia,  under  Command  of  Generals  McDowell, 
McClellan,  Pope,  Burnside,  Hooker,  and  Meade,  from  May  24, 
1 86 1,  to  May  4,  1864,  and  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  (Meade)  and 
the  Army  of  the  James  (Butler  and  Ord),  constituting  the 
Armies  operating  against  Richmond  under  General  Grant,  from 
May  5,  1864,  to  April  9,  1865  : 


Killed. 

Wounded. 

Captured 
or  missing. 

Aggre 
gate. 

Losses  from  May  24,  1861,  to  May 
4,  1864  : 
McDowell,    May   24   to   August 
19    1861  

4.Q-1 

1,176 

1,342 

3,  on 

McClellan,  August  20,  1861,  to 
April  4,  1862  

80 

268 

815 

1,163 

McClellan,  April  5  to  August  8, 
1862  

o  26^ 

13,868 

7,317 

24,448 

Pope,  June  26  to  September  2, 
1862  

2  065 

Q,QO8 

4,982 

16,955 

McClellan,  September  3  to  No- 

2  7l6 

11,979 

13,882 

28,577 

Burnside,  November  15,  1862, 
to  January  25,  1863  

I  2o6 

0,642 

2,276 

13,214 

Hooker,  January  26  to  June  27, 
1863  

I  Q*?1? 

11,160 

11,912 

25,027 

Meade,  June  28,  1863,  to  May  4, 
1864  .  , 

•i  877 

18,078 

0,575 

31,530 

Total  

15,745 

76,079 

52,101 

143,925 

2 

IO 

'The  Great  Game  between  Grant  and  Lee. 

Comparative  Statement — (continued") . 


Killed. 

Wounded. 

Captured 
or  missing. 

Aggre 
gate. 

Grant's  losses  from  May  5,   1864, 
to  April  9,  1865  : 
May  5  to  June  24,  1864  —  Army 
of  the  Potomac,  from  the  Rapi- 
dan  to  the  James     

7,621 

38,339 

8,966 

54.026 

May  5  to  June  14  —  Army  of  the 
James,  south  of  James  River. 
June  15  to  July  31  —  Army  of  the 
Potomac    and    Army    of    the 
Tames                                         .  « 

634 
2  028 

3,903 
13,743 

1,678 
6,265 

6,215 
22.036 

August  i  to  December  31  —  Army 
of  the  Potomac  and  Army  of 
the  James           .             .  .         . 

2  172 

11,138 

11,311 

24  621 

January  i  to  April  9,  1865  —  Army 
of  the  Potomac  and  Army  of 
the  James  and  Sheridan's  cav- 

I  78d 

IO,625 

3,283 

ie  6o2 

Total  

1C   iqo 

77,748 

ii  w\ 

124,390 

SUMMARY  : 
Armies  of  McDowell,  McClellan, 
Pope,    Burnside,    Hooker,    and 
Meade  

TC   74  K 

76  O7Q 

52  101 

14-3  Q2< 

je  i  an 

77  748 

oj   Co*} 

124,  3QO 

•30.884 

IS3.827 

83  604 

268  315 

Aggregate  of  losses  from  May  24, 
1861,  to  May  4,  1864  

143  Q2S 

Aggregate  of  losses  from  May  4, 

124  3QO 

Difference  in  Grant's  favor  

19,535 

This  table  shows  exactly  what  Richmond  cost  us 
from  May  24,  1861,  when  McDowell  crossed  the  Po 
tomac  into  Virginia,  to  Lee's  surrender  at  Appomattox; 
and  it  proves  that  Grant  in  eleven  months  secured  the 
prize  with  less  loss  than  his  predecessors  suffered  in  fail 
ing  to  win  it  during  a  struggle  of  three  years. 


211 


CHAPTER  XV. 

THE   MARCH    ON   PETERSBURG. 

In  camp  at  Cold  Harbor — Grant's  opinion  of  Lee — Trouble  with  news 
paper  correspondents — Moving  south  of  the  James  River — The 
great  pontoon  bridge — The  fighting  of  the  colored  troops — Failure 
to  take  Petersburg  at  first  attack — Lee  loses  Grant  and  Beauregard 
finds  him — Beauregard's  service  to  the  Confederacy. 

THE  affair  of  June  3d  at  Cold  Harbor  showed  that 
Lee  was  not  to  be  driven  from  his  position  without  a 
great  sacrifice  of  life.  A  left  flank  movement  south  of 
the  James  River  was  accordingly  decided  upon  by 
Grant.  This  was  no  new  idea;  that  eventuality  had 
been  part  of  the  original  plan  of  campaign,  and  prep 
arations  for  bridging  the  James  had  been  ordered  as 
early  as  the  I5th  of  April,  three  weeks  before  the  battle 
of  the  Wilderness.  One  object  of  the  movement  across 
the  James  was  to  cut  off  Richmond's  line  of  supplies 
from  the  south.  But  before  this  could  be  done  an 
other  matter  had  to  be  attended  to. 

In  General  Grant's  plan  of  campaign  the  effectual 
destruction  of  the  Virginia  Central  Railroad  was  an  in 
dispensable  feature.  In  moving  from  Culpeper  he  had 
expected  that  before  reaching  the  Chickahominy  he 
would  have  a  chance  to  crush  Lee's  army  by  fighting. 
This  would  have  allowed  him  an  undisturbed  oppor 
tunity  to  destroy  that  road,  as  well  as  the  Fredericks- 

212 


The  March  on  Petersburg. 

burg  road  from  the  Chickahominy  to  the  North  Anna. 
The  expectation  had  been  disappointed  by  Lee's  suc 
cess  in  avoiding  a  decisive  battle.  Before  moving  far 
ther  in  accomplishing  the  great  object  of  the  campaign, 
these  roads  must  be  so  thoroughly  destroyed  that  when 
Richmond  was  cut  off  from  other  lines  of  communica 
tion  with  the  south  the  attempt  to  repair  and  use  the 
line  through  Gordonsville  and  Lynchburg  would  be 
hopeless.  The  work  was  first  to  be  attempted  by  Sheri 
dan  with  cavalry.  If  he  was  not  able  to  complete  it, 
the  whole  army  was  to  be  swung  around  for  the  pur 
pose,  even  should  it  be  necessary  to  abandon  tempor 
arily  our  communications  with  White  House. 

This  necessity,  as  well  as  that  of  making  thorough 
preparations  for  the  difficult  march  south  of  the  James 
and  for  the  perfect  co-operation  of  Butler  at  Bermuda 
Hundred,  detained  Grant  at  Cold  Harbor  until  June 
1 2th.  Two  officers  of  his  staff,  Colonel  Comstock  and 
Colonel  Porter,  had  been  sent  to  General  Butler  to  ar 
range  for  co-operation  in  the  movement  of  the  army  to 
Bermuda  Hundred,  and  to  look  over  the  ground  to  be 
traversed  and  the  means  of  crossing  the  river.  Grant 
would  not  order  the  movement  until  they^  returned. 
They  did  not  get  back  until  the  I2th. 

During  this  time  the  opposing  lines  of  Grant  and 
Lee  were  very  close  together,  and  on  our  side  the  troops 
made  regular  siege  approaches  to  the  Confederate 
works.  The  days  passed  quietly,  with  no  fighting  ex 
cept  an  occasional  rattle  of  musketry  and  now  and  then 
a  cannon  shot.  There  was  occasionally  a  scare  on  the 
line.  On  the  evening  of  June  5th  Wright's  and  Han- 

213 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War 

cock's  line  responded  to  a  stiff  assault;  the  firing  lasted 
for  twenty  minutes,  and  it  was  very  loud,  but  it  was 
all  about  nothing  and  no  harm  was  done.  The  enemy 
were  so  near  that  in  the  dark  our  men  thought  they 
were  coming  out  to  attack.  On  June  6th  there  was  an 
onslaught  on  Burnside  just  after  midnight,  which  was 
successfully  repulsed,  and  in  the  afternoon  a  rush  was 
made  by  a  party  of  a  hundred  picked  men  of  the  enemy, 
who  came  to  find  out  what  was  the  meaning  of  Han 
cock's  advancing  siege  lines.  As  a  rule,  everything  was 
quiet  except  the  picket  firing,  which  could  not  be  pre 
vented  when  the  men  were  so  close  together.  The 
picket  firing  ceased  only  during  the  occasional  truces 
to  bury  the  dead. 

The  operations  around  Cold  Harbor,  the  close  prox 
imity  of  the  two  lines,  the  unceasing  firing,  with  no  hour 
in  the  day  or  night  when  one  could  not  hear  the  sound 
of  musketry  and  cannon,  were  precisely  like  the  condi 
tions  at  Spottsylvania  and  those  on  the  North  Anna. 
It  was  a  constant  feeling  for  the  weak  spot  in  Lee's 
armor.  There  was  far  less  maneuvering  at  Cold  Har 
bor  after  the  first  efforts  than  during  the  long  struggle 
at  Spottsylvania.  We  were  merely  waiting  for  the 
proper  moment  to  withdraw  toward  the  James.  Grant, 
Meade,  and  all  the  leading  officers  were  certain  of  ulti 
mate  success;  although  the  fighting  had  been  more  se 
vere  and  continuous  than  anything  in  the  previous  his 
tory  of  the  army,  I  must  say  a  cheerful,  confident  tone 
generally  prevailed.  All  acted  as  if  they  were  at  a  job 
which  required  only  time  to  finish. 

Grant  was  disappointed,  and  talked  to  me  a  good 
214 


March  on  Petersburg. 

deal  about  the  failure  to  get  at  Lee  in  an  open  battle 
which  would  wind  up  the  Confederacy.  The  general 
was  constantly  revolving  plans  to  turn  Lee  out  of  his 
intrenchments.  The  old-time  fear  of  Lee's  superior 
ability  that  was  rife  among  the  officers  of  the  Army  of 
the  Potomac  had  entirely  disappeared.  They  had  begun 
to  look  upon  him  as  an  ordinary  mortal,  making  a  fairly 
good  effort  to  ward  off  fate,  and  nothing  more.  I  think 
Grant  respected  Lee's  military  ability  and  character,  yet 
the  boldness  with  which  he  maneuvered  in  Lee's  pres 
ence  is  proof  that  he  was  not  overawed  by  Lee's  pres 
tige  as  a  strategist  and  tactician.  He  thought  Lee's 
great  forte  was  as  a  defensive  fighter,  a  quality  displayed 
at  Antietam  and  Fredericksburg;  but  held  no  high 
opinion  of  his  Chancellorsville  operations,  where  he  had 
recklessly  laid  himself  open  to  ruin.  To  me  the  views 
of  the  military  men  at  the  different  headquarters  were 
interesting  and  instructive. 

While  we  were  encamped  at  Cold  Harbor,  General 
Meade  was  very  much  disturbed  by  a  letter  published 
in  a  Cincinnati  paper,  saying  that  after  the  battle  of 
the  Wilderness  he  counselled  retreat — a  course  which 
would  have  destroyed  the  nation,  but  which  Grant  pro 
hibited.  This  was  entirely  untrue.  Meade  had  not 
shown  any  weakness  since  moving  from  Culpeper,  nor 
once  intimated  doubt  as  to  the  successful  issue  of  the 
campaign.  Nor  had  he  intimated  that  any  other  plan 
or  line  would  be  more  likely  to  win.  The  newspaper 
correspondent  who  was  responsible  for  the  misstate- 
ment  was  with  us,  and  Meade  ordered  that,  as  a  pun 
ishment,  he  should  be  paraded  through  the  lines  and 

215 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

afterward  expelled  from  the  army.  This  was  done  on 
June  8th,  the  correspondent  being  led  through  the  army 
on  horseback  by  the  provost-marshal  guard.  On  his 
back  and  breast  were  tacked  placards  inscribed,  "  Li 
beller  of  the  Press." 

It  was  not  often,  considering  the  conditions,  that 
correspondents  got  into  trouble  in  the  army.  As  a  rule, 
they  were  discreet.  Besides  this  case  of  Meade,  I  re 
member  now  only  one  other  in  which  I  was  actively 
interested;  that  was  a  few  months  later,  after  I  had  re 
turned  to  the  department.  Mr.  Stanton  had  been 
annoyed  by  a  telegram  which  had  been  published  about 
Sherman's  movements,  and  he  ordered  me  to  send  it 
to  the  general,  so  that  we  might  know  how  much  truth 
there  was  in  it.  I  wired  him  as  follows: 

WAR  DEPARTMENT,  November  9,  1864. 
Major-General  SHERMAN,  Kingston,  Ga.  : 

Following,  copied  from  evening  papers,  is  sent  for 
your  information: 

CINCINNATI,  November  q,  1864. 

"  Yesterday's  Indianapolis  Journal  says  :  '  Officers 
from  Chattanooga  report  that  Sherman  returned  to  At 
lanta  early  last  week  with  five  corps  of  his  army,  leav 
ing  two  corps  in  Tennessee  to  watch  Hood.  He  de 
stroyed  the  railroad  from  Chattanooga  to  Atlanta,  and 
is  sending  the  iron  into  the  former  place.  Atlanta  was 
burned,  and  Sherman  is  now  marching  for  Charleston, 
S.  C.' ' 

Sherman  sent  back  two  characteristic  dispatches. 
The  first  ran: 

KINGSTON,  GA.,  November  to,  1864. 
Hon.  C.  A.  DANA: 

Dispatch  of  Qth  read.     Can't  you  send  to  Indian- 
216 


^Ihe  March  on  Petersburg. 

apolis  and  catch  that  fool  and  have  him  sent  to  me  to 
work  on  the  forts?     All  well. 

W.  T.  SHERMAN,  Major  General. 

The  second: 

KINGSTON,  GA.,  November  10,  1864. 
Hon.  C.  A.  DANA,  Assistant  Secretary  of  War : 

If  indiscreet  newspaper  men  publish  information  too 
near  the  truth,  counteract  its  effect  by  publishing  other 
paragraphs  calculated  to  mislead  the  enemy,  such  as 
"  Sherman's  army  has  been  re-enforced,  especially  in 
the  cavalry,  and  he  will  soon  move  several  columns  in 
circuit,  so  as  to  catch  Hood's  army  ";  "  Sherman's  des 
tination  is  not  Charleston,  but  Selma,  where  he  will 
meet  an  army  from  the  Gulf,"  etc. 

W.  T.  SHERMAN,  Major  General. 

So  I  telegraphed  to  Indianapolis  to  General  A.  P. 
Hovey,  who  was  stationed  there: 

WAR  DEPARTMENT,  November  iot  1864, 
Major-General  A.  P.  HOVEY,  Indianapolis  : 

In  compliance  with  the  request  of  Major-General 
Sherman,  the  Secretary  of  War  directs  that  you  ascer 
tain  what  persons  furnished  the  information  respecting 
Sherman's  alleged  movement  published  in  the  Indian 
apolis  Journal  of  the  8th  inst.  You  will  arrest  them 
and  send  them  under  guard  to  such  point  in  the  Depart 
ment  of  the  Cumberland  as  Major-General  Thomas  may 
prefer,  where  they  will  be  employed  in  hard  labor  upon 
the  fortifications  until  General  Sherman  shall  otherwise 
order. 

General  Hovey  never  found  the  man,  however. 

By  the  morning  of  the  I2th  of  June  Grant  was  ready 
for  his  last  flank  movement  of  the  campaign.  Our 
army  at  that  time,  including  Sheridan's  cavalry,  con- 

217 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

sisted  of  approximately  one  hundred  and  fifteen  thou 
sand  fighting  men.  The  plan  for  moving  this  great 
body  was  as  follows  :  The  Eighteenth  Corps  was  to 
move  to  White  House  without  baggage  or  artillery, 
and  there  embark  for  City  Point.  The  Fifth  Corps  was 
to  cross  the  Chickahominy  at  Long  Bridge,  and  take  a 
position  to  secure  the  passage  of  the  remainder  of  the 
army,  after  which  it  was  to  cover  the  rear.  The  Second, 
Sixth,  and  Ninth  Corps  were  to  cross  in  two  columns  at 
Long  Bridge  and  Jones's  Bridge.  At  first  it  had  been 
hoped,  if  not  opposed  by  the  enemy  in  force,  to  strike 
James  River  immediately  opposite  Bermuda  Hundred; 
if  resisted,  then  lower  down,  where  General  Butler  had 
been  ordered  to  throw  a  bridge  across  and  to  corduroy 
the  approaches. 

The  Fifth  Corps  having  prepared  the  way,  the  whole 
army  left  the  lines  about  Cold  Harbor  on  schedule  time, 
just  as  soon  after  nightfall  on  the  I2th  as  its  movements 
could  be  concealed  from  the  observation  of  the  enemy. 
It  was  in  drawing  orders  for  such  complicated  move 
ments  as  these,  along  different  roads  and  by  different 
crossings,  that  the  ability  of  General  Humphreys,  the 
chief  of  staff,  was  displayed.  Everything  went  perfectly 
from  the  start.  That  evening  at  seven  o'clock,  when  I 
reached  Moody's,  four  miles  from  Long  Bridge,  the 
Fifth  Corps  (Warren's)  was  moving  rapidly  past  us. 
Our  cavalry  advance,  under  General  Wilson,  who  had 
also  been  transferred  to  the  East,  had  previously  taken 
Long  Bridge  and  laid  a  pontoon  bridge  in  readiness  for 
the  crossing,  so  that  by  nine  o'clock  that  evening  the 
Fifth  Corps  was  south  of  the  Chickahominy,  well  out 

218 


The  March  on  Petersburg. 

toward  the  approaches  from  Richmond,  and  covering 
them.  All  day,  the  I3th,  the  army  was  hurrying  toward 
the  James.  By  night  the  Sixth  Corps  had  reached  the 
river,  and  the  rest  of  the  troops  were  on  the  march 
between  there  and  the  Chickahominy,  which  was  our 
rear. 

When  I  reached  the  James  early  the  next  day,  the 
1 4th,  large  numbers  of  men  were  hard  at  work  on  the 
pontoon  bridge  and  its  approaches,  by  which  it  was 
intended  that  the  artillery  and  trains  should  cross.  It 
was  a  pretty  heavy  job  to  corduroy  the  marsh,  which 
was  fully  half  a  mile  wide  and  quite  deep.  The  bridge 
itself  was  unprecedented  in  military  annals,  except, 
perhaps,  by  that  of  Xerxes,  being  nearly  seven  hun 
dred  yards  long. 

All  day  on  the  I4th  everything  went  like  a  miracle. 
The  pontoon  bridge  was  finished  at  two  o'clock  the  next 
morning,  and  the  cavalry  of  Wilson's  leading  brigade, 
followed  by  the  artillery  trains,  instantly  began  cross 
ing.  By  ten  o'clock  on  the  I5th  Hancock's  corps  had 
been  ferried  over,  and  he  was  off  toward  Petersburg  to 
support  Smith,  who  had  taken  the  Eighteenth  Corps 
around  by  water  from  the  White  House,  and  had  been 
ordered  to  attack  Petersburg  that  morning.  All  the 
news  we  had  that  night  at  City  Point,  where  headquar 
ters  had  been  set  up,  was  that  Smith  had  assaulted  and 
carried  the  principal  line  of  the  enemy  before  Peters 
burg. 

The  next  morning  early  I  was  off  for  the  heights 
southeast  of  the  town.  Smith's  success  appeared  to  be 
of  the  most  important  kind.  He  had  carried  heights 

219 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

which  were  defended  by  very  formidable  works.  He 
thought — and,  indeed,  we  all  thought  for  the  moment — 
that  his  success  gave  us  perfect  command  of  the  city 
and  railroad.  I  went  over  the  conquered  lines  with 
General  Grant  and  the  engineer  officers,  and  they  all 
agreed  that  the  works  were  of  the  very  strongest  kind, 
more  difficult  even  to  take  than  Missionary  Ridge  at 
Chattanooga. 

General  Smith  told  us  that  the  negro  troops  fought 
magnificently,  the  hardest  fighting  being  done  by  them. 
The  forts  they  stormed  were,  I  think,  the  worst  of  all. 
After  the  affair  was  over,  General  Smith  went  to  thank 
them,  and  tell  them  he  was  proud  of  their  courage  and 
dash.  He  said  they  had  no  superiors  as  soldiers,  and 
that  hereafter  he  should  send  them  into  a  difficult  place 
as  readily  as  the  best  white  troops.  They  captured  six 
out  of  the  sixteen  cannons  which  he  took. 

It  soon  appeared,  however,  that  Smith  was  far  from 
having  captured  points  which  commanded  Petersburg. 
His  success  had  but  little  effect  in  determining  the  final 
result.  He  had  stopped  his  advance  a  few  minutes  and 
a  considerable  space  too  soon,  because,  as  he  subse 
quently  alleged,  it  was  too  dark  and  his  men  were  too 
much  fatigued  for  further  operations;  and  he  feared  Lee 
had  already  re-enforced  the  town.  This  turned  out  not 
to  be  so;  Lee  did  not  know  until  the  I7th  that  Grant 
had  crossed  the  James.  And  up  to  that  date  Lee's  posi 
tion  was  a  mystery  to  us;  we  could  hardly  suppose  he 
had  remained  at  Cold  Harbor. 

When  Grant  discovered  exactly  how  much  had  been 
gained  and  lost,  he  was  very  much  dissatisfied.  There 

220 


^he  March  on  Petersburg. 

was  a  controversy  between  Hancock  and  Smith  subse 
quently  about  the  responsibility  for  this  failure. 

On  Tune  i6th,  the  day  after  Smith's  attack,  more  of 
the  troops  arrived  before  Petersburg.  General  Meade 
also  arrived  on  the  ground,  and  the  job  of  capturing 
Petersburg  was  now  taken  up  in  earnest  by  the  whole 
Army  of  the  Potomac.  It  was  no  longer  a  mere  matter 
of  advancing  eighty  or  one  hundred  rods,  as  on  the 
night  previous,  for  meanwhile  the  enemy  had  been 
largely  and  rapidly  re-enforced.  Much  time  and 
many  thousands  of  valuable  lives  were  to  be  expended 
in  getting  possession  of  this  vital  point,  which  had 
really  been  in  our  grasp  on  the  evening  of  the  I5th. 
That  afternoon  there  began  a  series  of  assaults 
on  the  works  of  the  enemy.  The  fighting  lasted  all 
night,  the  moonlight  being  very  clear.  Our  loss  was 
heavy. 

The  next  day,  the  I7th,  another  attack  was  made 
at  Petersburg.  It  was  persistent,  but  Meade  found  that 
his  men  were  so  worn  out  with  marching,  righting,  and 
digging  that  they  must  have  rest,  and  so  laid  off  until 
noon  of  the  i8th,  when,  all  of  the  army  being  up,  a  gen 
eral  assault  was  ordered.  Nothing  important  was 
gained,  and  General  Grant  directed  that  no  more  as 
saults  should  be  made.  He  said  that  after  this  he  should 
maneuver  to  get  possession  of  Petersburg. 

I  saw  nothing  of  the  fighting  of  June  i6th  and  i/th, 
being  ill  in  camp,  but  the  members  of  Grant's  staff  told 
me  that  our  operations  were  unsatisfactory,  owing  to 
our  previous  heavy  loss  in  superior  officers.  The  men 
fought  as  well  as  ever,  Colonel  Comstock  told  me,  but 

221 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

they  were  not  directed  with  the  same  skill  and  enthu 
siasm. 

While  these  operations  were  going  on,  I  made  two 
or  three  trips  to  the  river  to  watch  the  crossing  of  the 
troops.  It  was  an  animated  and  inspiring  sight,  for 
the  great  mass  of  men,  animals,  and  baggage  was 
handled  with  the  greatest  intelligence.  By  the  I7th  our 
entire  army  was  south  of  the  James,  and  the  bridge 
over  the  river  by  which  the  trains  had  crossed  was 
taken  up. 

During  all  this  period,  from  Cold  Harbor  to  Peters 
burg,  we  knew  nothing  of  Lee.  In  making  the  disposi 
tion  for  this  great  and  successful  movement — a  far  more 
brilliant  evolution  than  McClellan's  "  change  of  base  " 
two  years  before  over  almost  the  same  roads — the  pur 
pose  was,  of  course,  to  deceive  Lee  as  to  the  ultimate 
direction  of  the  army.  The  design  succeeded  far  be 
yond  Grant's  most  sanguine  hopes.  As  soon,  on  the 
morning  of  the  I3th,  as  the  Confederate  chieftain  dis 
covered  our  withdrawal,  he  moved  his  army  across  the 
Chickahominy  in  hot  haste,  flinging  it  between  his  capi 
tal  and  the  foe,  supposed  to  be  advancing  on  a  new  line 
between  the  James  and  the  Chickahominy.  He  held 
and  fortified  a  line  from  White  Oak  swamp  to  Malvern 
Hill,  and  here  he  remained  stock  still  for  four  days,  won 
dering  what  had  become  of  Grant. 

Lee  had  been  completely  deceived,  and  could  not 
be  made  to  believe  by  Beauregard,  on  the  I5th,  i6th, 
and  1 7th,  that  Grant's  whole  army  had  turned  up  be 
fore  Petersburg.  His  troops,  as  we  know  now,  did  not 
cross  the  James,  to  go  to  the  relief  of  Beauregard  until 

222 


March  on  Petersburg. 

the  1 7th.  He  was  caught  napping,  and,  but  for  mistakes 
by  subordinates  in  carrying  out  Grant's  plans,  Lee's 
cause  would  have  been  lost.  In  the  operations  from  the 
night  of  the  I2th,  when  Grant  changed  his  line  and  base 
with  an  army  of  one  hundred  and  fifteen  thousand  men, 
and  all  its  vast  trains  of  artillery,  crossing  a  wide  and 
deep  river  on  a  temporary  bridge,  until  June  i8th,  when 
at  last  Lee  awoke  to  the  situation,  General  Beauregard 
shines  out  on  the  Confederate  side  far  more  brilliantly 
than  the  general  in  chief.  He  unquestionably  saved 
Petersburg,  and  for  the  time  the  Confederacy;  but  for 
him  Lee  had  at  that  time  lost  the  game. 


223 


CHAPTER  XVI. 
EARLY'S  RAID  AND  THE  WASHINGTON  PANIC. 

President  Lincoln  visits  the  lines  at  Petersburg — Trouble  with  General 
Meade — Jubal  Early  menaces  the  Federal  capital — The  excitement 
in  Washington  and  Baltimore — Clerks  and  veteran  reserves  called 
out  to  defend  Washington — Grant  sends  troops  from  the  front — > 
Plenty  of  generals,  but  no  head — Early  ends  the  panic  by  with 
drawing — A  fine  letter  from  Grant  about  Hunter. 

ALTHOUGH  Grant  had  decided  against  a  further  di 
rect  attack  on  the  works  of  Petersburg,  he  was  by  no 
means  idle.  He  sent  out  expeditions  to  break  up  the 
railroads  leading  into  the  town.  He  began  extending 
his  lines  around  to  the  south  and  southwest,  so  as  to 
make  the  investment  as  complete  as  possible.  Batteries 
were  put  in  place,  weak  spots  in  the  fortifications  were 
felt  for,  and  regular  siege  works  were  begun.  Indeed, 
by  July  1st  the  general  opinion  seemed  to  be  that  the 
only  way  we  should  ever  gain  Petersburg  would  be  by 
a  systematic  siege. 

A  few  days  later  we  had  an  interesting  visit  from 
President  Lincoln,  who  arrived  from  Washington  on 
June  2  ist,  and  at  once  wanted  to  visit  the  lines  before 
Petersburg.  General  Grant,  Admiral  Lee,  myself,  and 
several  others  went  with  him.  I  remember  that,  as  we 
passed  along  the  lines,  Mr.  Lincoln's  high  hat  was 
brushed  off  by  the  branch  of  a  tree.  There  were  a  dozen 

224 


Early 's  Raid  and  the  Washington  Panic. 

young  officers  whose  duty  it  was  to  get  it  and  give  it 
back  to  the  President;  but  Admiral  Lee  was  off  his 
horse  before  any  of  these  young  chaps,  and  recovered 
the  hat  for  the  President.  Admiral  Lee  must  have  been 
forty-five  or  fifty  years  old.  It  was  his  agility  that  im 
pressed  me  so  much. 

As  we  came  back  we  passed  through  the  division  of 
colored  troops  which  had  so  greatly  distinguished  itself 
under  Smith  on  the  I5th.  They  were  drawn  up  in 
double  lines  on  each  side  of  the  road,  and  they  wel 
comed  the  President  with  hearty  shouts.  It  was  a  mem 
orable  thing  to  behold  him  whose  fortune  it  was  to 
represent  the  principle  of  emancipation  passing  bare 
headed  through  the  enthusiastic  ranks  of  those  negroes 
armed  to  defend  the  integrity  of  the  nation. 

I  went  back  to  Washington  with  the  presidential 
party,  but  remained  only  a  few  days,  as  Mr.  Lincoln 
and  Mr.  Stanton  were  anxious  for  my  daily  reports  of 
the  operations  around  Petersburg.  On  the  return,  I  ar 
rived  at  City  Point  on  July  ist.  The  army  occupied 
about  the  same  positions  as  when  I  had  left  it  a  week 
before.  Two  corps  were  engaged  in  siege  work,  their 
effort  being  to  get  possession  of  a  ridge  before  them, 
supposed  to  command  Petersburg;  if  they  succeeded  in 
this,  Grant  thought  that  the  enemy  would  have  to  aban 
don  the  south  side  of  the  Appomattox,  and,  of  course, 
the  town.  On  the  left  our  line  extended  southward 
and  westward  across  what  was  known  as  the  Jerusalem 
road,  but  at  so  great  a  distance  from  the  Confederate 
fortifications  as  to  have  no  immediate  effect  upon  them. 
Farther  around  to  the  west,  toward  the  Appomattox 
16  225 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

above  Petersburg,  the  enemy's  works  extended,  and 
the  idea  of  enveloping  them  for  the  whole  distance 
had  been  given  up.  The  efforts  to  break  up  the  rail 
roads  leading  from  Petersburg  had  been  very  suc 
cessful,  Grant  told  me.  There  were  plans  for  assault 
suggested,  but  Grant  had  not  considered  any  of  them 
seriously. 

Before  the  army  had  recovered  from  its  long  march 
from  Cold  Harbor  and  the  failure  to  capture  the  town, 
there  was  an  unusual  amount  of  controversy  going  on 
among  the  officers.  Smith  was  berated  generally  for 
failing  to  complete  his  attack  of  June  I5th.  Butler 
and  "  Baldy  "  Smith  were  deep  in  a  controversial  cor 
respondence;  and  Meade  and  Warren  were  so  at  log 
gerheads  that  Meade  notified  Warren  that  he  must 
either  ask  to  be  relieved  as  corps  commander  or  he 
(Meade)  would  prefer  charges  against  him.  It  seemed 
as  if  Meade  grew  more  unpopular  every  day.  Finally 
the  difficulties  between  him  and  his  subordinates  be 
came  so  serious  that  a  change  in  the  commander  of  the 
Army  of  the  Potomac  seemed  probable.  Grant  had 
great  confidence  in  Meade,  and  was  much  attached  to 
him  personally;  but  the  almost  universal  dislike  of  Meade 
which  prevailed  among  officers  of  every  rank  who  came 
in  contact  with  him,  and  the  difficulty  of  doing  business 
with  him,  felt  by  every  one  except  Grant  himself,  so 
greatly  impaired  his  capacities  for  usefulness  and  ren 
dered  success  under  his  command  so  doubtful  that  Grant 
seemed  to  be  coming  to  the  conviction  that  he  must  be 
relieved. 

I  had  long  known  Meade  to  be  a  man  of  the  worst 
226 


Earlfs  Raid  and  the  Washington  Panic. 

possible  temper,  especially  toward  his  subordinates.  I 
think  he  had  not  a  friend  in  the  whole  army.  No  man, 
no  matter  what  his  business  or  his  service,  approached 
him  without  being  insulted  in  one  way  or  another,  and 
his  own  staff  officers  did  not  dare  to  speak  to  him  un 
less  first  spoken  to,  for  fear  of  either  sneers  or  curses. 
The  latter,  however,  I  had  never  heard  him  indulge  in 
very  violently,  but  he  was  said  to  apply  them  often 
without  occasion  and  without  reason.  At  the  same 
time,  as  far  as  I  was  able  to  ascertain,  his  generals  had 
lost  their  confidence  in  him  as  a  commander.  His  or 
ders  for  the  last  series  of  assaults  upon  Petersburg,  in 
which  we  lost  ten  thousand  men  without  gaining  any 
decisive  advantage,  were  greatly  criticised.  They  were, 
in  effect,  that  he  had  found  it  impracticable  to  secure 
the  co-operation  of  corps  commanders,  and  that,  there 
fore,  each  one  was  to  attack  on  his  own  account  and 
do  the  best  he  could  by  himself.  The  consequence  was 
that  each  gained  some  advantage  of  position,  but  each 
exhausted  his  own  strength  in  so  doing;  while,  for  the 
want  of  a  general  purpose  and  a  general  commander  to 
direct  and  concentrate  the  whole,  it  all  amounted  to 
nothing  but  heavy  loss  to  ourselves.  General  Wright 
remarked  confidentially  to  a  friend  that  all  of  Meade's 
attacks  had  been  made  without  brains  and  without  gen 
eralship. 

The  first  week  of  July  the  subject  came  to  pretty 
full  discussion  at  Grant's  headquarters  on  account  of  an 
extraordinary  correspondence  between  Meade  and  Wil 
son.  The  Richmond  Examiner  had  charged  Wilson's 
command  with  stealing  not  only  negroes  and  horses, 

227 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

but  silver  plate  and  clothing  on  a  raid  he  had  just 
made  against  the  Danville  and  Southside  Railroad,  and 
Meade,  taking  up  the  statement  of  the  Examiner  for 
truth,  read  Wilson  a  lecture,  and  called  on  him  for 
explanations.  Wilson  denied  the  charge  of  robbing 
women  and  churches,  and  said  he  hoped  Meade  would 
not  be  ready  to  condemn  his  command  because  its 
operations  had  excited  the  ire  of  the  public  enemy. 
Meade  replied  that  Wilson's  explanation  was  satis 
factory;  but  this  correspondence  started  a  conversa 
tion  in  which  Grant  expressed  himself  quite  frankly 
as  to  the  general  trouble  with  Meade,  and  his  fear 
that  it  would  become  necessary  to  relieve  him.  In 
that  event,  he  said,  it  would  be  necessary  to  put  Han 
cock  in  command. 

In  the  first  days  of  July  we  began  to  get  inquiries 
at  City  Point  from  Washington  concerning  the  where 
abouts  of  the  Confederate  generals  Early  and  Ewell.  It 
was  reported  in  the  capital,  our  dispatches  said,  that 
they  were  moving  down  the  Shenandoah  Valley.  We 
seemed  to  have  pretty  good  evidence  that  Early  was 
with  Lee,  defending  Petersburg,  and  so  I  wired  the 
Secretary  on  July  3d.  The  next  day  we  felt  less  posi 
tive.  A  deserter  came  in  on  the  morning  of  the  4th, 
and  said  that  it  was  reported  in  the  enemy's  camp  that 
Ewell  had  gone  into  Maryland  with  his  entire  corps. 
Another  twenty-four  hours,  and  Meade  told  me  that  he 
was  at  last  convinced  that  Early  and  his  troops  had 
gone  down  the  valley.  In  fact,  Early  had  been  gone 
three  weeks.  He  left  Lee's  army  near  Cold  Harbor  on 
the  morning  of  the  I3th  of  June,  when  we  were  on 

228 


Earlfs  Raid  and  the  Washington  Panic. 

the  march  to  the  James.  Hunter's  defeat  of  Jones 
near  Staunton  had  forced  Lee  to  divide  his  army  in 
order  to  stop  Hunter's  dangerous  advance  on  Lynch- 
burg. 

On  the  6th  General  Grant  was  convinced  that  Wash 
ington  was  the  objective.  The  raid  threatened  was  suf- 
ficiently  serious  to  compel  the  sending  of  troops  to  the 
defense  of  the  capital,  and  a  body  of  men  immediately 
embarked.  Three  days  later  I  started  myself  to  Wash 
ington,  in  order  to  keep  Grant  informed  of  what  was 
going  on.  When  I  arrived,  I  found  both  Washing 
ton  and  Baltimore  in  a  state  of  great  excitement;  both 
cities  were  filled  with  people  who  had  fled  from  the 
enemy.  The  damage  to  private  property  done  by 
the  invaders  was  said  to  be  almost  beyond  calcula 
tion.  Mills,  workshops,  and  factories  of  every  sort 
were  reported  as  destroyed,  and  from  twenty-five 
to  fifty  miles  of  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio  Railroad 
torn  up. 

During  my  first  day  in  town,  July  nth,  all  sorts 
of  rumors  came  in.  General  Lew  Wallace,  then  in  com 
mand  at  Baltimore,  sent  word  that  a  large  force  of  the 
enemy  had  been  seen  that  morning  near  that  city.  The 
Confederate  generals  were  said  to  have  dined  together 
at  Rockville  a  day  or  two  before.  The  houses  of  Gov 
ernor  Bradford,  Francis  P.  Blair,  senior,  and  his  son, 
Montgomery,  the  Postmaster  General,  were  reported 
burned.  We  could  see  from  Washington  clouds  of  dust 
in  several  quarters  around  the  city,  which  we  believed  to 
be  raised  by  bodies  of  hostile  cavalry.  There  was  some 
sharp  skirmishing  that  day,  too,  on  the  Tennallytown 

229 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

road,  as  well  as  later  in  front  of  Fort  Stevens,  and  at 
night  the  telegraph  operators  at  the  latter  place  reported 
a  considerable  number  of  camp  fires  visible  in  front  of 
them. 

I  found  that  the  Washington  authorities  had  util 
ized  every  man  in  town  for  defense.  Some  fifteen  hun 
dred  employees  of  the  quartermaster's  department  had 
been  armed  and  sent  out;  the  veteran  reserves  about 
Washington  and  Alexandria  had  likewise  been  sent  to 
the  front.  General  Augur,  commanding  the  defenses 
of  Washington,  had  also  drawn  from  the  fortifications 
on  the  south  side  of  the  town  all  the  men  that  in  his 
judgment  could  possibly  be  spared.  To  this  impro 
vised  force  were  added  that  day  some  six  boatloads  of 
troops  which  General  Grant  had  sent  from  the  Army 
of  the  Potomac.  These  troops  went  at  once  to  Fort 
Stevens. 

With  the  troops  coming  from  Grant,  there  was  force 
enough  to  save  the  capital;  but  I  soon  saw  that  nothing 
could  possibly  be  done  toward  pursuing  or  cutting  off 
the  enemy  for  want  of  a  commander.  General  Hunter 
and  his  forces  had  not  yet  returned  from  their  swing 
around  the  circle.  General  Augur  commanded  the  de 
fenses  of  Washington,  with  A.  McD.  McCook  and  a  lot 
of  brigadier  generals  under  him,  but  he  was  not  allowed 
to  go  outside.  Wright  commanded  only  his  own  corps. 
General  Gilmore  had  been  assigned  to  the  temporary 
command  of  those  troops  of  the  Nineteenth  Corps  just 
arrived  from  New  Orleans,  and  all  other  troops  in  the 
Middle  Department,  leaving  Wallace  to  command  Balti 
more  alone.  But  there  was  no  head  to  the  whole.  Gen- 

230 


Early* s  Raid  and  the  Washington  Panic. 

eral  Halleck  would  not  give  orders,  except  as  he  re 
ceived  them  from  Grant;  the  President  would  give 
none;  and,  until  Grant  directed  positively  and  explicitly 
what  was  to  be  done,  everything  was  practically  at  a 
standstill.  Things,  I  saw,  would  go  on  in  the  deplorable 
and  fatal  way  in  which  they  had  been  going  for  a  week. 
Of  course,  this  want  of  a  head  was  causing  a  great  deal 
of  sharp  comment  on  all  sides.  Postmaster-General 
Blair  was  particularly  incensed,  and,  indeed,  with  real 
cause,  for  he  had  lost  his  house  at  Silver  Springs.  Some 
of  his  remarks  reached  General  Halleck,  who  immedi 
ately  wrote  to  Mr.  Stanton  the  following  letter: 

HEADQUARTERS  OF  THE  ARMY, 

WASHINGTON,  July  sj,  1864. 

Hon.  E.  M.  STANTON,  Secretary  of  War. 

SIR:  I  deem  it  my  duty  to  bring  to  your  notice  the 
following  facts:  I  am  informed  by  an  officer  of  rank 
and  standing  in  the  military  service  that  the  Hon.  M. 
Blair,  Postmaster  General,  in  speaking  of  the  burning 
of  his  house  in  Maryland  this  morning,  said,  in  effect, 
that  the  officers  in  command  about  Washington  are 
poltroons;  that  there  were  not  more  that  five  hundred 
rebels  on  the  Silver  Springs  road,  and  we  had  one  mil 
lion  of  men  in  arms;  that  it  was  a  disgrace;  that  Gen 
eral  Wallace  was  in  comparison  with  them  far  better, 
as  he  would  at  least  fight.  As  there  have  been  for  the 
last  few  days  a  large  number  of  officers  on  duty  in  and 
about  Washington  who  have  devoted  their  time  and 
energies,  night  and  day,  and  have  periled  their  lives  in 
the  support  of  the  Government,  it  is  due  to  them,  as 
well  as  to  the  War  Department,  that  it  should  be  known 
whether  such  wholesale  denouncement  and  accusation 
by  a  member  of  the  Cabinet  receives  the  sanction  and 
approbation  of  the  President  of  the  United  States.  If 
so,  the  names  of  the  officers  accused  should  be  stricken 

231 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

from  the  rolls  of  the  army;  if  not,  it  is  due  to  the  honor 
of  the  accused  that  the  slanderer  should  be  dismissed 
from  the  Cabinet. 

Very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

H.  W.  HALLECK, 
Major  General  and  Chief  of  Staff. 

The  very  day  on  which  Halleck  wrote  this  letter  we 
had  evidence  that  the  enemy  had  taken  fright  at  the 
arrival  in  Washington  of  the  troops  sent  by  Grant,  and 
were  moving  off  toward  Edwards  Ferry.  It  was  pretty 
certain  that  they  were  carrying  off  a  large  amount  of 
cattle  and  other  plunder  with  them.  By  the  end  of  an 
other  day  there  seemed  no  doubt  that  Early  had  got 
the  main  body  of  his  command  across  the  river  with  his 
captures.  What  they  were,  it  was  impossible  to  say 
precisely.  One  herd  of  cattle  was  reported  as  contain 
ing  two  thousand  head,  and  the  number  of  horses  and 
mules  taken  from  Maryland  was  reported  as  about  five 
thousand.  This,  however,  was  probably  somewhat  ex 
aggerated. 

The  veterans,  of  course,  at  once  moved  out  to  at 
tempt  to  overtake  the  enemy.  The  irregulars  were 
withdrawn  from  the  fortifications,  General  Meigs  march 
ing  his  division  of  quartermaster's  clerks  and  employees 
back  to  their  desks;  and  Admiral  Goldsborough,  who 
had  marshalled  the  marines  and  sailors,  returned  to 
smoke  his  pipe  on  his  own  doorstep. 

The  pursuit  of  Early  proved,  on  the  whole,  an  egre 
gious  blunder,  relieved  only  by  a  small  success  at  Win 
chester  in  which  four  guns  and  some  prisoners  were 
captured.  Wright  accomplished  nothing,  and  drew 

232 


Earlfs  Raid  and  the  Washington  Panic. 

back  as  soon  as  he  got  where  he  might  have  done  some 
thing  worth  while.  As  it  was,  Early  escaped  with  the 
whole  of  his  plunder. 

One  of  the  best  letters  Grant  sent  me  during  the 
war  was  at  the  time  of  this  Early  raid  on  Washington. 
When  the  alarms  of  invasion  first  came,  Grant  ordered 
Major-General  David  Hunter,  then  stationed  at  Park- 
ersburg,  W.  Va.,  to  take  the  direction  of  operations 
against  the  enemy's  forces  in  the  valley.  Hunter  did 
not  come  up  to  Mr.  Stanton's  expectations  in  this  crisis, 
and  when  I  reached  Washington  the  Secretary  told  me 
to  telegraph  Grant  that,  in  his  opinion,  Hunter  ought 
to  be  removed.  Three  days  later  I  repeated  in  my  dis 
patch  to  Grant  certain  rumors  about  Hunter  that  had 
reached  the  War  Department.  The  substance  of  them 
was  that  Hunter  had  been  engaged  in  an  active  cam 
paign  against  the  newspapers  in  West  Virginia,  and 
that  he  had  horsewhipped  a  soldier  with  his  own  hand. 
I  received  an  immediate  reply: 

CITY  POINT,  VA.,  July  75-,  1864—%  P.  M. 
C.  A.  DANA,  Assistant  Secretary  of  War  : 

I  am  sorry  to  see  such  a  disposition  to  condemn  so 
brave  an  old  soldier  as  General  Hunter  is  known  to  be 
without  a  hearing.  He  is  known  to  have  advanced  into 
the  enemy's  country  toward  their  main  army,  inflicting 
a  much  greater  damage  upon  them  than  they  have  in 
flicted  upon  us  with  double  his  force,  and  moving  di 
rectly  away  from  our  main  army.  Hunter  acted,  too, 
in  a  country  where  we  had  no  friends,  while  the  enemy 
have  only  operated  in  territory  where,  to  say  the  least, 
many  of  the  inhabitants  are  their  friends.  If  General 
Hunter  has  made  war  upon  the  newspapers  in  West 
Virginia,  probably  he  has  done  right.  In  horsewhip- 

233 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

ping  a  soldier  he  has  laid  himself  subject  to  trial,  but 
nine  chances  out  of  ten  he  only  acted  on  the  spur  of 
the  moment,  under  great  provocation.  I  fail  to  see  yet 
that  General  Hunter  has  not  acted  with  great  prompt 
ness  and  great  success.  Even  the  enemy  give  him 
great  credit  for  courage,  and  congratulate  themselves 
that  he  will  give  them  a  chance  of  getting  even  with  him. 
U.  S.  GRANT,  Lieutenant  General. 


234 


CHAPTER   XVII. 

THE   SECRET   SERVICE    OF   THE   WAR. 

Mr.  Stanton's  agents  and  spies — Regular  subterranean  traffic  between 
Washington  and  Richmond — A  man  who  spied  for  both  sides — The 
arrest  of  the  Baltimore  merchants — Stanton's  remarkable  speech 
on  the  meaning  of  disloyalty — Intercepting  Jefferson  Davis's  let 
ters  to  Canada— Detecting  the  plot  to  burn  New  York,  and  the 
plan  to  invade  Vermont. — Story  of  the  cleverest  and  pluckiest  of 
spies  and  his  remarkable  adventures. 

AFTER  Early's  invaders  had  retired  and  quiet  was 
restored,  I  went  to  Mr.  Stanton  for  new  orders.  As 
there  was  no  probability  of  an  immediate  change  in  the 
situation  before  Petersburg,  the  Secretary  did  not  think 
it  necessary  for  me  to  go  back  to  Grant,  but  preferred 
that  I  remain  in  the  department,  helping  with  the  rou 
tine  work. 

Much  of  my  time  at  this  period  was  spent  in  investi 
gating  charges  against  defaulting  contractors  and  dis- 
•  honest  agents,  and  in  ordering  arrests  of  persons  sus 
pected  of  disloyalty  to  the  Government.  I  assisted, 
too,  in  supervising  the  spies  who  were  going  back  and 
forth  between  the  lines.  Among  these  I  remember 
one,  a  sort  of  peddler — whose  name  I  will  call  Morse 
— who  traveled  between  Washington  and  Richmond. 
When  he  went  down  it  was  in  the  character  of  a  man 
who  had  entirely  hoodwinked  the  Washington  authori- 

235 


"Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

ties,  and  who,  in  spite  of  them,  or  by  some  corruption 
or  other,  always  brought  with  him  into  the  Confederate 
lines  something  that  the  people  wanted — dresses  for  the 
ladies  or  some  little  luxury  that  they  couldn't  get  other 
wise.  The  things  that  he  took  with  him  were  always 
supervised  by  our  agents  before  he  went  away.  When 
he  came  back  he  brought  us  in  exchange  a  lot  of  valu 
able  information.  He  was  doubtless  a  spy  on  both 
sides;  but  as  we  got  a  great  deal  of  information,  which 
could  be  had  in  no  other  way,  about  the  strength  of  the 
Confederate  armies,  and  the  preparations  and  the  move 
ments  of  the  enemy,  we  allowed  the  thing  to  go  on. 
The  man  really  did  good  service  for  us  that  summer, 
and,  as  we  were  frequently  able  to  verify  by  other  means 
the  important  information  he  brought,  we  had  a  great 
deal  of  confidence  in  him. 

Early  in  October,  1864,  he  came  back  from  Rich 
mond,  and,  as  usual,  went  to  Baltimore  to  get  his  outfit 
for  the  return  trip.  When  he  presented  himself  again 
in  Washington,  the  chief  detective  of  the  War  Depart 
ment,  Colonel  Baker,  examined  his  goods  carefully,  but 
this  time  he  found  that  Morse  had  many  things  that 
we  could  not  allow  him  to  take.  Among  his  stuff  were 
uniforms  and  other  military  goods,  and  all  this,  of 
course,  was  altogether  too  contraband  to  be  passed. 
We  had  all  his  bills,  telling  where  he  had  bought  these 
things  in  Baltimore.  They  amounted  to  perhaps 
twenty-five  thousand  dollars,  or  more.  So  we  confis 
cated  the  contraband  goods,  and  put  Morse  in  prison. 

But  the  merchants  in  Baltimore  were  partners  in 
his  guilt,  and  Secretary  Stanton  declared  he  would  ar- 

236 


The  Secret  Service  of  the  War. 

rest  every  one  of  them  and  put  them  in  prison  until  the 
affair  could  be  straightened  up.  He  turned  the  matter 
over  to  me  then,  as  he  was  going  to  Fort  Monroe  for 
a  few  days.  I  immediately  sent  Assistant- Adjutant-Gen 
eral  Lawrence  to  Baltimore  with  orders  to  see  that  all 
persons  implicated  were  arrested.  Lawrence  tele 
graphed  me,  on  October  i6th,  that  the  case  would  in 
volve  the  arrest  of  two  hundred  citizens.  I  reported 
to  the  Secretary,  but  he  was  determined  to  go  ahead. 
The  next  morning  ninety-seven  of  the  leading  citizens 
of  Baltimore  were  arrested,  brought  to  Washington, 
and  confined  in  Old  Capitol  Prison,  principally  in  soli 
tary  cells.  There  was  great  satisfaction  among  the 
Union  people  of  the  town,  but  great  indignation  among 
Southern  sympathizers.  Presently  a  deputation  from 
Baltimore  came  over  to  see  President  Lincoln.  It  was 
an  outrage,  they  said;  the  gentlemen  arrested  were 
most  respectable  merchants  and  faultless  citizens,  and 
they  demanded  that  they  all  be  set  instantly  at  liberty 
and  damages  paid  them.  Mr.  Lincoln  sent  the  deputa 
tion  over  to  the  War  Department,  and  Mr.  Stanton, 
who  had  returned  by  this  time,  sent  for  me.  "  All  Balti 
more  is  coming  here,"  he  said.  "  Sit  down  and  hear 
the  discussion." 

They  came  in,  the  bank  presidents  and  boss  mer 
chants  of  Baltimore — there  must  have  been  at  least  fifty 
million  dollars  represented  in  the  deputation — and  sat 
down  around  the  fire  in  the  Secretary's  office.  Presently 
they  began  to  make  their  speeches,  detailing  the  cir 
cumstances  and  the  wickedness  of  this  outrage.  There 
was  no  ground  for  it,  they  said,  no  justification.  After 

237 


'Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

half  a  dozen  of  them  had  spoken,  Mr.  Stanton  asked  one 
after  another  if  he  had  anything  more  to  say,  and  they 
all  said  no.  Then  Stanton  began,  and  delivered  one  of 
the  most  eloquent  speeches  that  I  ever  heard.  He  de 
scribed  the  beginning  of  the  war,  for  which,  he  said, 
there  was  no  justification;  being  beaten  in  an  election 
was  no  reason  for  destroying  the  Government.  Then 
he  went  on  to  the  fact  that  half  a  million  of  our  young 
men  had  been  laid  in  untimely  graves  by  this  conspiracy 
of  the  slave  interest.  He  outlined  the  whole  conspiracy 
in  the  most  solemn  and  impressive  terms,  and  then  he 
depicted  the  offense  that  this  man  Morse,  aided  by  these 
several  merchants,  had  committed.  "  Gentlemen,"  he 
said,  "  if  you  would  like  to  examine  the  bills  of  what 
he  was  taking  to  the  enemy,  here  they  are." 

When  Stanton  had  finished,  these  gentlemen,  with 
out  answering  a  word,  got  up  and  one  by  one  went 
away.  That  was  the  only  speech  I  ever  listened  to  that 
cleared  out  the  entire  audience. 

Early  in  the  winter  of  1863-' 64  a  curious  thing  hap 
pened  in  the  secret  service  of  the  War  Department. 
Some  time  in  the  February  or  March  before,  a  slender 
and  prepossessing  young  fellow,  between  twenty-two 
and  twenty-six  apparently,  had  applied  at  the  War  De 
partment  for  employment  as  a  spy  within  the  Confed 
erate  lines. 

The  main  body  of  the  Army  of  Northern  Virginia 
was  then  lying  at  Gordonsville,  and  the  headquarters  of 
the  Army  of  the  Potomac  were  at  Culpeper  Courthouse. 
General  Grant  had  not  yet  come  from  the  West  to  take 
command  of  the  momentous  campaign  which  afterward 

238 


Secret  Service  of  the 

opened  with  his  movement  into  the  Wilderness  on  the 
5th  of  May. 

The  young  man  who  sought  this  terrible  service 
was  well  dressed  and  intelligent,  and  professed  to  be 
animated  by  motives  purely  patriotic.  He  was  a  clerk 
in  one  of  the  departments.  All  that  he  asked  was  that 
he  should  have  a  horse  and  an  order  which  would  carry 
him  safely  through  the  Federal  lines,  and,  in  return,  he 
undertook  to  bring  information  from  General  Lee's 
army  and  from  the  Government  of  the  Confederacy  in 
Richmond.  He  understood  perfectly  the  perilous  na 
ture  of  the  enterprise  he  proposed. 

Finding  that  the  applicant  bore  a  good  character 
in  the  office  where  he  was  employed,  it  was  determined 
to  accept  his  proposal.  He  was  furnished  with  a  horse, 
an  order  that  would  pass  him  through  the  Union  lines, 
and  also,  I  believe,  with  a  moderate  sum  of  money,  and 
then  he  departed.  Two  or  three  weeks  later  he  reported 
at  the  War  Department.  He  had  been  in  Gordonsville 
and  Richmond,  had  obtained  the  confidence  of  the  Con 
federate  authorities,  and  was  the  bearer  of  a  letter  from 
Mr.  Jefferson  Davis  to  Mr.  Clement  C.  Clay,  the  agent 
of  the  Confederate  Government  in  Canada,  then  known 
to  be  stationed  at  St.  Catherine's,  not  far  from  Niagara 
Falls.  Mr.  Clay  had  as  his  official  associate  Jacob 
Thompson,  of  Mississippi,  who  had  been  Secretary  of 
the  Interior  in  the  Cabinet  of  President  Buchanan,  and, 
like  Mr.  Clay,  had  been  serving  the  Confederate  Gov 
ernment  ever  since  its  organization. 

The  letter  from  Mr.  Davis  the  young  man  exhibited, 
but  only  the  outside  of  the  envelope  was  examined. 

239 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War, 

The  address  was  in  the  handwriting  of  the  Confederate 
chief,  and  the  statement  of  our  young  adventurer  that 
it  was  merely  a  letter  of  recommendation  advising 
Messrs.  Clay  and  Thompson  that  they  might  repose 
confidence  in  the  bearer,  since  he  was  ardently  de 
voted  to  the  Confederate  cause  and  anxious  to  serve 
the  great  purpose  that  it  had  in  view,  appeared  en 
tirely  probable;  so  the  young  man  was  allowed  to 
proceed  to  Niagara  Falls  and  Canada.  He  made  some 
general  report  upon  the  condition  of  the  rebel  army  at 
Gordonsville,  but  it  was  of  no  particular  value,  except 
that  in  its  more  interesting  features  it  agreed  with 
our  information  from  other  sources. 

Our  spy  was  not  long  in  returning  from  St.  Cath 
erine's  with  a  dispatch  which  was  also  allowed  to  pass 
unopened,  upon  his  assurance  that  it  contained  nothing 
of  importance.  In  this  way  he  went  back  and  forward 
from  Richmond  to  St.  Catherine's  once  or  twice.  We 
supplied  him  with  money  to  a  limited  extent,  and  also 
with  one  or  two  more  horses.  He  said  that  he  got 
some  money  from  the  Confederates,  but  had  not 
thought  it  prudent  to  accept  from  them  anything  more 
than  very  small  sums,  since  his  professed  zeal  for  the 
Confederate  cause  forbade  his  receiving  anything  for 
his  traveling  expenses  beyond  what  was  absolutely 
necessary. 

During  the  summer  of  1864  the  activity  of  Grant's 
campaign,  and  the  fighting  which  prevailed  all  along 
the  line,  somewhat  impeded  our  young  man's  expedi 
tions,  but  did  not  stop  them.  All  his  subsequent  dis 
patches,  however,  whether  coming  from  Richmond  or 

240 


<fke  Secret  Service  of  the  War. 

from  Canada,  were  regularly  brought  to  the  War  De 
partment,  and  were  opened,  and  in  every  case  a  copy 
of  them  was  kept.  As  it  was  necessary  to  break  the 
seals  and  destroy  the  envelopes  in  opening  them,  there 
was  some  difficulty  in  sending  them  forward  in  what 
should  appear  to  be  the  original  wrappers.  Coming 
from  Canada,  the  paper  employed  was  English,  and 
there  was  a  good  deal  of  trouble  in  procuring  paper 
of  the  same  appearance.  I  remember  also  that  one  im 
portant  dispatch,  which  was  sealed  with  Mr.  Clay's  seal, 
had  to  be  delayed  somewhat  while  we  had  an  imitation 
seal  engraved.  But  these  delays  were  easily  accounted 
for  at  Richmond  by  the  pretense  that  they  had  been 
caused  by  accidents  upon  the  road  and  by  the  neces 
sity  of  avoiding  the  Federal  pickets.  At  any  rate,  the 
confidence  of  the  Confederates  in  our  agent  and  in 
theirs  never  seemed  to  be  shaken  by  any  of  these 
occurrences. 

Finally  our  dispatch  bearer  reported  one  day  at  the 
War  Department  with  a  document  which,  he  said,  was 
of  extraordinary  consequence.  It  was  found  to  contain 
an  account  of  a  scheme  for  setting  fire  to  New  York 
and  Chicago  by  means  of  clock-work  machines  that  were 
to  be  placed  in  several  of  the  large  hotels  and  places  of 
amusement — particularly  in  Barnum's  Museum  in  New 
York — and  to  be  set  off  simultaneously,  so  that  the  fire 
department  in  each  place  would  be  unable  to  attend 
to  the  great  number  of  calls  that  would  be  made  upon 
it  on  account  of  these  Confederate  conflagrations  in 
so  many  different  quarters,  and  thus  these  cities  might 
be  greatly  damaged,  or  even  destroyed. 
17  241 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

This  dispatch  was  duly  sealed  up  again  and  was 
taken  to  Richmond,  and  a  confidential  officer  was  at 
once  sent  to  New  York  to  warn  General  Dix,  who  was 
in  command  there,  of  the  Confederate  project.  The 
general  was  very  unwilling  to  believe  that  any  such 
design  could  be  seriously  entertained,  and  Mr.  John  A. 
Kennedy,  then  superintendent  of  police,  was  equally  in 
credulous.  But  the  Secretary  of  War  was  peremptory 
in  his  orders,  and  when  the  day  of  the  incendiary  at 
tempt  arrived  both  the  military  and  the  police  made 
every  preparation  to  prevent  the  threatened  catastro 
phe.  The  officer  who  went  from  Washington  was 
lodged  in  the  St.  Nicholas  Hotel,  one  of  the  large  estab 
lishments  that  were  to  be  set  on  fire,  and  while  he  was 
washing  his  hands  in  the  evening,  preparatory  to  going 
to  dinner,  a  fire  began  burning  in  the  room  next  to  his. 
It  was  promptly  put  out,  and  was  found  to  be  caused 
by  a  clock-work  apparatus  which  had  been  left  in  that 
room  by  a  lodger  who  had  departed  some  hours  before. 
Other  fires  likewise  occurred.  In  every  instance  these 
fires  were  extinguished  without  much  damage  and  with 
out  exciting  any  considerable  public  attention,  thanks 
to  the  precautions  that  had  been  taken  in  consequence 
of  the  warning  derived  from  Mr.  Clay's  dispatch  to  Mr. 
Benjamin  in  Richmond.  The  plan  of  setting  fire  to 
Chicago  proved  even  more  abortive;  I  do  not  remem 
ber  that  any  report  of  actual  burning  was  received  from 
there. 

Later  in  the  fall,  after  the  military  operations  had 
substantially  terminated  for  the  season,  a  dispatch  was 
brought  from  Canada,  signed  by  Mr.  Clay,  and  addressed 

242 


Secret  Service  of  the  War. 

to  Mr.  Benjamin,  as  Secretary  of  State  in  the  Confed 
erate  Government,  conveying  the  information  that  a 
new  and  really  formidable  military  expedition  against 
northern  Vermont — particularly  against  Burlington,  if 
I  am  not  mistaken — had  been  organized  and  fitted  out 
in  Canada,  and  would  make  its  attack  as  soon  as  prac 
ticable.  This  was  after  the  well-known  attempt  upon 
St.  Albans  and  Lake  Champlain,  on  October  19,  1864, 
and  promised  to  be  much  more  injurious.  The  dispatch 
reached  Washington  one  Sunday  morning,  and  was 
brought  to  the  War  Department  as  usual,  but  its  im 
portance  in  the  eyes  of  the  Confederate  agents  had  led 
to  its  being  prepared  for  transportation  with  uncommon 
care.  It  was  placed  between  two  thicknesses  of  the  pair 
of  re-enforced  cavalry  trousers  which  the  messenger 
wore,  and  sewed  up  so  that  when  he  was  mounted  it  was 
held  between  his  thigh  and  the  saddle. 

Having  been  carefully  ripped  out  and  opened,  it  was 
immediately  carried  to  Mr.  Stanton,  who  was  confined 
to  his  house  by  a  cold.  He  read  it.  "  This  is  serious/' 
he  said.  "  Go  over  to  the  White  House  and  ask  the 
President  to  come  here."  Mr.  Lincoln  was  found  dress 
ing  to  go  to  church,  and  he  was  soon  driven  to  Mr. 
Stanton's  house.  After  discussing  the  subject  in  every 
aspect,  and  considering  thoroughly  the  probability  that 
to  keep  the  dispatch  would  put  an  end  to  communica 
tions  by  this  channel,  they  determined  that  it  must  be 
kept.  The  conclusive  reason  for  this  step  was  that  it 
established  beyond  question  the  fact  that  the  Confed 
erates,  while  sheltering  themselves  behind  the  British 
Government  in  Canada,  had  organized  and  fitted  out  a 

243 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

military  expedition  against  the  United  States.  But 
while  the  dispatch  afforded  evidence  that  could  not  be 
gainsaid,  the  mere  possession  of  it  was  not  sufficient. 
It  must  be  found  in  the  possession  of  the  Confederate 
dispatch  bearer,  and  the  circumstances  attending  its 
capture  must  be  established  in  such  a  manner  that  the 
British  Foreign  Office  would  not  be  able  to  dispute  the 
genuineness  of  the  document.  "  We  must  have  this 
paper  for  Seward,"  said  Mr.  Lincoln.  "As  for  the 
young  man,  get  him  out  of  the  scrape  if  you  can/' 

Accordingly,  the  paper  was  taken  back  to  the  War 
Department  and  sewed  up  again  in  the  trousers  whence 
it  had  been  taken  three  hours  before.  The  bearer  was 
instructed  to  start  at  dusk  on  the  road  which  he  usually 
took  in  passing  through  the  lines,  to  be  at  a  certain 
tavern  outside  of  Alexandria  at  nine  o'clock  in  the 
evening,  and  to  stop  there  to  water  his  horse.  Then 
information  was  sent  through  Major-General  Augur, 
commandant  of  Washington  and  the  surrounding  re 
gion,  to  Colonel  Henry  H.  Wells,  then  provost  marshal 
general  of  the  defenses  south  of  the  Potomac,  stationed 
at  Alexandria,  directing  him  to  be  at  this  tavern  at 
nine  o'clock  in  the  evening,  and  to  arrest  a  Confederate 
dispatch  bearer,  concerning  whom  authentic  informa 
tion  had  been  received  at  the  War  Department,  and 
whose  description  was  furnished  for  his  (Wells's)  guid 
ance.  He  was  to  do  the  messenger  no  injury,  but  to 
make  sure  of  his  person  and  of  all  papers  that  he  might 
have  upon  him,  and  to  bring  him  under  a  sufficient 
guard  directly  to  the  War  Department.  And  Genera* 
Augur  was  directed  to  be  present  there,  in  order  to  as- 

244 


The  Secret  Service  of  the  War. 

sist  in  the  examination  of  the  prisoner,  and  to  verify 
any  dispatches  that  might  be  found. 

Just  before  midnight  a  carriage  drove  up  to  the 
door  of  the  War  Department  with  a  soldier  on  the  box 
and  two  soldiers  on  the  front  seat  within,  while  the  back 
seat  was  occupied  by  Colonel  Wells  and  the  prisoner. 
Of  course,  no  one  but  the  two  or  three  who  had  been 
in  the  secret  was  aware  that  this  gentleman  had  walked 
quietly  out  of  the  War  Department  only  a  few  hours 
previously,  and  that  the  paper  which  was  the  cause  of 
the  entire  ceremony  had  been  sewed  up  in  his  clothes 
just  before  his  departure.  Colonel  Wells  reported  that, 
while  the  prisoner  had  offered  no  resistance,  he  was  very 
violent  and  outrageous  in  his  language,  and  that  he 
boasted  fiercely  of  his  devotion  to  the  Confederacy  and 
his  detestation  of  the  Union.  During  the  examination 
\vhich  now  followed  he  said  nothing  except  to  answer 
a  few  questions,  but  his  bearing — patient,  scornful,  un 
daunted — was  that  of  an  incomparable  actor.  If  Mr. 
Clay  and  Mr.  Benjamin  had  been  present,  they  would 
have  been  more  than  ever  certain  that  he  was  one  of 
their  noblest  young  men.  His  hat,  boots,  and  other 
articles  of  his  clothing  were  taken  off  one  by  one.  The 
hat  and  boots  were  first  searched,  and  finally  the  dis 
patch  was  found  in  his  trousers  and  taken  out.  Its  na 
ture  and  the  method  of  its  capture  were  stated  in  a 
memorandum  which  was  drawn  up  on  the  spot  and 
signed  by  General  Augur  and  Colonel  Wells  and  one 
or  two  other  officers  who  were  there  for  the  purpose, 
and  then  the  dispatch  bearer  himself  was  sent  off  to  the 
Old  Capitol  Prison. 

245 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

The  dispatch,  with  the  documents  of  verification, 
was  handed  over  to  Mr.  Seward  for  use  in  London, 
and  a  day  or  two  afterward  the  warden  of  the  Old 
Capitol  Prison  was  directed  to  give  the  dispatch 
bearer  an  opportunity  of  escaping,  with  a  proper 
show  of  attempted  prevention.  One  afternoon  the 
spy  walked  into  my  office.  "  Ah!  "  said  I,  "  you  have 
run  away." 

"  Yes,  sir,"  he  answered. 

"  Did  they  shoot  at  you?  " 

"They  did,  and  didn't  hit  me;  but  I  didn't  think 
that  would  answer  the  purpose.  So  I  shot  myself 
through  the  arm." 

He  showed  me  the  wound.  It  was  through  the  fleshy 
part  of  the  forearm,  and  due  care  had  been  taken  not 
to  break  any  bones.  A  more  deliberate  and  less  dan 
gerous  wound  could  not  be,  and  yet  it  did  not  look 
trivial. 

He  was  ordered  to  get  away  to  Canada  as  promptly 
as  possible,  so  that  he  might  explain  the  loss  of  his 
dispatch  before  it  should  become  known  there  by  any 
other  means.  An  advertisement  offering  two  thousand 
dollars  for  his  recapture  was  at  once  inserted  in  the 
New  York  Herald,  the  Pittsburgh  Journal,  and  the 
Chicago  Tribune.  No  one  ever  appeared  to  claim  the 
reward,  but  in  about  a  week  the  escaped  prisoner  re 
turned  from  Canada  with  new  dispatches  that  had  been 
intrusted  to  him.  They  contained  nothing  of  impor 
tance,  however.  The  wound  in  his  arm  had  borne  testi 
mony  in  his  favor,  and  the  fact  that  he  had  hurried 
through  to  St.  Catherine's  without  having  it  dressed 

246 


cThe  Secret  Service  of  the  War. 

was  thought  to  afford  conclusive  evidence  of  his  fidelity 
to  the  Confederate  cause. 

The  war  was  ended  soon  after  this  adventure,  and, 
as  his  services  had  been  of  very  great  value,  a  new  place, 
with  the  assurance  of  lasting  employment,  was  found 
for  the  young  man  in  one  of  the  bureaus  of  the  War 
Department.  He  did  not  remain  there  very  long,  how 
ever,  and  I  don't  know  what  became  of  him.  He  was 
one  of  the  cleverest  creatures  I  ever  saw.  His  style  of 
patriotic  lying  was  sublime;  it  amounted  to  genius. 


247 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 

A   VISIT  TO    SHERIDAN    IN   THE   VALLEY. 

Mr.  Dana  carries  to  Sheridan  his  major-general's  commission — A  ride 
through  the  Army  of  the  Shenandoah — The  affection  of  Sheridan's 
soldiers  for  the  general — How  he  explained  it — His  ideas  about 
personal  courage  in  battle — The  War  Department  and  the  railroads 
— How  the  department  worked  for  Lincoln's  re-election — Election 
night  of  November,  1864 — Lincoln  reads  aloud  passages  from  Pe 
troleum  V.  Nasby  while  the  returns  from  the  States  come  in. 

IT  was  just  after  the  arrest  of  the  Baltimore  mer 
chants,  in  October,  1864,  that  I  visited  Sheridan  at  his 
headquarters  in  the  Shenandoah  Valley.  He  had  fin 
ished  the  work  of  clearing  out  the  valley  by  the  battle 
of  Cedar  Creek  on  October  iQth,  and  the  Government 
wanted  to  recognize  the  victory  by  promoting  him  to 
the  rank  of  major  general  in  the  regular  army.  There 
were  numerous  volunteer  officers  who  were  also  officers 
in  the  regular  army,  and  it  was  regarded  as  a  consider 
able  distinction.  The  appointment  was  made,  and  then, 
as  an  additional  compliment  to  General  Sheridan,  in 
stead  of  sending  him  the  commission  by  an  ordinary 
officer  from, the  department,  Mr.  Stanton  decided  that 
I  would  better  deliver  it.  I  started  on  October  22d, 
going  by  special  train  to  Harper's  Ferry,  whither  I  tele 
graphed  for  an  escort  to  be  ready  for  me.  I  was  de 
layed  so  that  I  did  not  get  started  from  Harper's  Ferry 
until  about  five  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  October  23d. 
It  was  a  distance  of  about  fifty  miles  to  Sheridan,  and 

248 


A  Visit  to  Sheridan  in  the  Valley. 

by  riding  all  day  I  got  there  about  eleven  o'clock  at 
night.  Sheridan  had  gone  to  bed,  but  in  time  of  war 
one  never  delays  in  carrying  out  orders,  whatever  their 
nature.  The  general  was  awakened,  and  soon  was  out 
of  his  tent;  and  there,  by  the  flare  of  an  army  torch  and 
in  the  presence  of  a  few  sleepy  aides-de-camp  and  of  my 
own  tired  escort,  I  presented  to  Sheridan  his  commis 
sion  as  major  general  in  the  regular  army. 

Sheridan  did  not  say  much  in  reply  to  my  little 
speech,  nor  could  he  have  been  expected  to  under  the 
circumstances,  though  he  showed  lively  satisfaction  in 
the  Government's  appreciation  of  his  services,  and  spoke 
most  heartily,  I  remember,  of  the  manner  in  which  the 
administration  had  always  supported  him. 

The  morning  after  this  little  ceremony,  when  we 
had  finished  our  breakfast,  the  general  asked  me  if  I 
would  not  like  to  ride  through  the  army  with  him.  It 
was  exactly  what  I  did  want  to  do,  and  we  were  soon 
on  horseback  and  off,  accompanied  by  four  of  his  of 
ficers.  We  rode  through  the  entire  army  that  morning, 
dismounting  now  and  then  to  give  me  an  opportunity 
to  pay  my  respects  to  several  officers  whom  I  knew. 
I  was  struck,  in  riding  through  the  lines,  by  the  uni 
versal  demonstration  of  personal  affection  for  Sheridan. 
Everybody  seemed  personally  to  be  attached  to  him. 
He  was  like  the  most  popular  man  after  an  election — 
the  whole  force  everywhere  honored  him.  Finally  I 
said  to  the  general:  "I  wish  you  would  explain  one 
thing  to  me.  Here  I  find  all  these  people  of  every  rank 
— generals,  sergeants,  corporals,  and  private  soldiers;  in 
fact,  everybody — manifesting  a  personal  affection  for 

249 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

you  that  I  have  never  seen  in  any  other  army,  not  even 
in  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee  for  Grant.  I  have  never 
seen  anything  like  it.  Tell  me  what  is  the  reason?  " 

"  Mr.  Dana,"  said  he,  "  I  long  ago  made  up  my  mind 
that  it  was  not  a  good  plan  to  fight  battles  with  paper 
orders — that  is,  for  the  commander  to  stand  on  a  hill 
in  the  rear  and  send  his  aides-de-camp  with  written  or 
ders  to  the  different  commanders.  My  practice  has 
always  been  to  fight  in  the  front  rank." 

"  Well,"  said  I,  "  General,  that  is  dangerous;  in  the 
front  rank  a  man  is  much  more  liable  to  be  killed  than 
he  is  in  the  rear." 

"  Well,"  said  he,  "  I  know  that  there  is  a  certain 
risk  in  it;  but,  in  my  judgment,  the  advantage  is  much 
greater  than  the  risk,  and  I  have  come  to  the  conclu 
sion  that  that  is  the  right  thing  to  do.  That  is  the  rea 
son  the  men  like  me.  They  know  that  when  the  hard 
pinch  comes  I  am  exposed  just  as  much  as  any  of 
them." 

"  But  are  you  never  afraid?  "  I  asked. 

"  If  I  was  I  should  not  be  ashamed  of  it,"  he  said. 
"  If  I  should  follow  my  natural  impulse,  I  should  run 
away  always  at  the  beginning  of  the  danger;  the  men 
who  say  they  are  never  afraid  in  a  battle  do  not  tell  the 
truth." 

I  talked  a  great  deal  with  Sheridan  and  his  officers 
while  at  Cedar  Creek  on  the  condition  of  the  valley, 
and  as  to  what  should  be  done  to  hold  it.  The  active 
campaign  seemed  to  be  over  in  this  region  for  that 
year.  The  enemy  were  so  decidedly  beaten  and  scat 
tered,  and  driven  so  far  to  the  south,  that  they  could 

250 


A  Visit  to  Sheridan  in  the  Valley. 

scarcely  be  expected  to  collect  their  forces  for  another 
attempt  during  the  season.  Besides,  the  devastation 
of  the  valley,  extending  as  it  did  for  a  distance  of  about 
one  hundred  miles,  rendered  it  almost  impossible  that 
either  the  Confederates  or  our  own  forces  should  make 
a  new  campaign  in  that  territory.  It  looked  to  me  as 
if,  when  Sheridan  had  completed  the  same  process  down 
the  valley  to  the  vicinity  of  the  Potomac,  and  when 
the  stores  of  forage  which  were  yet  to  be  found  were 
all  destroyed  or  removed,  the  difficulty  of  any  new 
offensive  operations  on  either  side  would  be  greatly 
increased. 

The  key  to  the  Shenandoah  Valley  was,  in  Sheri 
dan's  judgment,  the  line  of  the  Opequan  Creek,  which 
was  rather  a  deep  canon  that  an  ordinary  watercourse. 
Sheridan's  idea  I  understood  to  be  to  fall  back  to  the 
proper  defensive  point  upon  that  creek,  and  there  to 
construct  fortifications  which  would  effectually  cover 
the  approach  to  the  Potomac. 

I  left  Sheridan  at  Cedar  Creek,  and  went  back  to 
Washington  by  way  of  Manassas  Gap. 

All  through  the  fall  of  1864  and  the  following  win 
ter  I  remained  in  Washington,  very  much  occupied  with 
the  regular  routine  business  of  the  department  and  vari 
ous  matters  of  incidental  interest.  Some  of  these  in 
cidents  I  shall  group  together  here,  without  strict  regard 
to  sequence. 

An  important  part  of  the  work  of  the  department 
was  in  relation  to  the  railroads  and  to  railroad  trans 
portation.  Sometimes  it  was  a  whole  army  corps  to 
be  moved.  At  another  time  the  demand  would  be 

251 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

equally  sudden  and  urgent,  if  less  vital  to  the  Union 
cause.  I  remember  particularly  the  great  turkey  move 
ment  in  November  of  that  year.  The  presidential  elec 
tion  was  hardly  over  before  the  people  of  the  North 
began  to  prepare  Thanksgiving  boxes  for  the  army. 
George  Bliss,  Jr.,  of  New  York,  telegraphed  me,  on 
November  i6th,  that  they  had  twenty  thousand  turkeys 
ready  in  that  city  to  send  to  the  front;  and  the  next  day, 
fearing,  I  suppose,  that  that  wasn't  enough,  he  wired: 
"  It  would  be  a  very  great  convenience  in  our  turkey 
business  if  I  could  know  definitely  the  approximate 
number  of  men  in  each  of  armies  of  Potomac,  James, 
and  Shenandoah,  respectively." 

From  Philadelphia  I  received  a  message  asking  for 
transportation  to  Sheridan's  army  for  "  boxes  contain 
ing  four  thousand  turkeys,  and  Heaven  knows  what 
else,  as  a  Thanksgiving  dinner  for  the  brave  fellows." 
And  so  it  was  from  all  over  the  country.  The  North 
not  only  poured  out  food  and  clothing  generously  for 
our  own  men,  but,  when  Savannah  was  entered  by  Sher 
man,  great  quantities  of  provisions  were  sent  there  for 
gratuitous  distribution,  and  when  Charleston  fell  every 
effort  was  made  to  relieve  destitution. 

A  couple  of  months  later,  in  January,  1865,  a  piece 
of  work  not  so  different  from  the  "  turkey  business," 
but  on  a  rather  larger  scale,  fell  to  me.  This  was  the 
transfer  of  the  Twenty-third  Army  Corps,  commanded 
by  Major-General  John  M.  Schofield,  from  its  position 
on  the  Tennessee  River  to  Chesapeake  Bay.  There 
being  no  prospect  of  a  winter  campaign  under  Thomas, 
Grant  had  ordered  the  corps  transferred  as  quickly  as 

252 


A  Visit  to  Sheridan  in  the  F alley. 

possible,  and  Mr.  Stanton  turned  over  the  direction 
to  me.  On  January  loth  I  telegraphed  to  Grant  at 
City  Point  the  plan  to  be  followed.  This,  briefly,  was 
to  send  Colonel  Lewis  B.  Parsons,  chief  of  railroad  and 
river  transportation,  to  the  West  to  take  charge  of  the 
corps.  I  proposed  to  move  the  whole  body  by  boats  to 
Parkersburg  if  navigation  allowed,  and  thence  by  the 
Baltimore  and  Ohio  Railroad  to  Annapolis,  for  I  re 
membered  well  with  what  promptness  and  success 
Hooker's  forces,  the  Eleventh  and  Twelfth  Corps,  were 
moved  into  Tennessee  in  1863  by  that  road.  A  capital 
advantage  of  that  line  was  that  it  avoided  all  large  towns 
— and  the  temptations  of  large  towns  were  bad  for  the 
soldiers  in  transit.  If  the  Ohio  River  should  be  frozen, 
I  proposed  to  move  the  corps  by  rail  from  Cairo,  Evans- 
ville,  and  Jeffersonville  to  Parkersburg  or  Bellaire,  ac 
cording  to  circumstances. 

Commanders  in  the  vicinity  of  the  corps  were  ad 
vised  of  the  change,  and  ordered  to  prepare  steamboats 
and  transports.  Loyal  officers  of  railroads  were  re 
quested  to  meet  Colonel  Parsons  at  given  points  to 
arrange  for  the  concentration  of  rolling  stock  in  case 
the  river  could  not  be  used.  Liquor  shops  were  ordered 
closed  along  the  route,  and  arrangements  were  made 
for  the  comfort  of  the  troops  by  supplying  to  them,  . 
as  often  as  once  in  every  hundred  miles  of  travel,  an 
abundance  of  hot  coffee  in  addition  to  their  rations. 

Colonel  Parsons  proceeded  at  once  to  Louisville, 
where  he  arrived  on  the  I3th.  By  the  morning  of  the 
1 8th  he  had  started  the  first  division  from  the  mouth 
of  the  Tennessee  up  the  Ohio,  and  had  transportation 

253 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

ready  for  the  rest  of  the  corps.  He  then  hurried  to 
Cincinnati,  where,  as  the  river  was  too  full  of  ice  to 
permit  a  further  transfer  by  water,  he  loaded  about 
three  thousand  men  on  the  cars  waiting  there  and  started 
them  eastward.  The  rest  of  the  corps  rapidly  followed. 
In  spite  of  fogs  and  ice  on  the  river,  and  broken  rails 
and  machinery  on  the  railroads,  the  entire  army  corps 
was  encamped  on  the  banks  of  the  Potomac  on  Febru 
ary  2d. 

The  distance  over  which  the  corps  was  transported 
was  nearly  fourteen  hundred  miles,  about  equally  di 
vided  between  land  and  water.  The  average  time  of 
transportation,  from  the  embarkment  on  the  Tennessee 
to  the  arrival  on  the  banks  of  the  Potomac,  did  not 
exceed  eleven  days;  and  what  was  still  more  important 
was  the  fact  that  during  the  whole  movement  not  a 
single  accident  happened  causing  loss  of  life,  limb,  or 
property,  except  in  a  single  instance  where  a  soldier 
improperly  jumped  from  the  car,  under  apprehension 
of  danger,  and  thus  lost  his  life.  Had  he  remained  quiet, 
he  would  have  been  as  safe  as  were  his  comrades  of  the 
same  car. 

Much  of  the  success  of  the  movement  was  due  to 
the  hearty  co-operation  of  J.  W.  Garrett,  president  of 
the  Baltimore  and  Ohio  Railroad.  Colonel  Parsons 
did  not  say  too  much  when  he  wrote,  in  his  report  of 
the  transfer  of  Schofield's  troops: 

The  circumstances,  I  think,  render  it  not  invidious 
that  I  should  especially  refer  to  the  management  of 
the  Baltimore  and  Ohio  Railroad,  where  indomitable 
will,  energy,  and  superior  ability  have  been  so  often 

254 


A  Visit  to  Sheridan  in  the  Valley. 

and  so  conspicuously  manifested,  and  where  such  in 
valuable  service  has  been  rendered  to  the  Govern 
ment;  a  road  nearly  four  hundred  miles  in  length,  so 
often  broken  and  apparently  destroyed,  so  constantly 
subjected  to  rebel  incursions,  that,  had  it  been  under 
ordinary  management,  it  would  long  since  have  ceased 
operation;  yet,  notwithstanding  all  the  difficulties  of 
the  severe  winter  season,  the  great  disorganization  of 
employees  necessarily  incident  to  a  road  thus  situated, 
its  most  extraordinary  curves,  grades,  bridges,  tunnels, 
and  the  mountain  heights  it  scales,  it  has  moved  this 
large  force  in  the  shortest  possible  time,  with  almost 
the  exactness  and  regularity  of  ordinary  passenger 
trains,  and  with  a  freedom  from  accident  that,  I  think, 
has  seldom,  if  ever,  been  paralleled. 

At  the  end  of  the  war,  when  the  department's  en 
ergies  were  devoted  to  getting  itself  as  quickly  and  as 
thoroughly  as  possible  upon  a  peace  footing,  it  fell  to 
me  to  examine  the  condition  of  the  numerous  railroads 
which  the  Government  had  seized  and  used  in  the  time 
of  active  military  operations,  and  to  recommend  what 
was  to  be  done  with  them.  This  readjustment  was  not 
the  least  difficult  of  the  complicated  questions  of  dis 
armament.  The  Government  had  spent  millions  of  dol 
lars  on  improvements  to  some  of  these  military  rail 
roads  while  operating  them.  My  report  was  not  fin 
ished  till  late  in  May,  1865,  and  as  it  contains  much 
out-of-the-way  information  on  the  subject,  and  has 
never  been  published,  I  introduce  it  here  in  full: 

WASHINGTON  CITY,  May  29,  1865. 
Hon.  EDWIN  M.  STANTON,  Secretary  of  War. 

SIR:  I  have  the  honor  to  report  that  I  have  exam 
ined  the  subject  of  the  disposition  to  be  made  of  the 
railroads  in  the  States  lately  in  rebellion,  referred  to  me 

255 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

in  connection  with  the  report  of  the  quartermaster  gen 
eral,  and  the  rules  which  he  has  recommended  to  be 
established.  The  second  rule  proposed  by  the  quarter 
master  general  provides  that  no  charge  shall  be  made 
against  a  railroad  for  expense  of  materials  or  expense 
of  operation  while  it  has  been  in  the  hands  of  the  mili 
tary  authorities  of  the  United  States.  In  other  words, 
he  proposes  to  restore  every  railroad  to  its  claimants 
without  any  special  consideration  from  them  for  any 
improvements  which  the  United  States  may  have  made 
upon  it. 

It  is  true  in  his  fourth  rule  he  includes  past  ex 
penditures  of  defense  and  repair  as  an  equivalent  for  the 
use  of  the  road  while  it  has  been  in  the  public  service, 
but  in  many  cases  this  does  not  appear  to  me  to  be  suf 
ficient.  Our  expenditures  upon  some  of  these  roads 
have  been  very  heavy.  For  instance,  we  have  added  to 
the  value  of  the  road  from  Nashville  to  Chattanooga 
at  least  a  million  and  a  half  dollars.  When  that  road 
was  recaptured  from  the  public  enemy  it  was  in  a  very 
bad  state  of  repair.  Its  embankments  were  in  many 
places  partially  washed  away,  its  iron  was  what  is  known 
as  the  U  rail,  and  was  laid  in  the  defective  old-fashioned 
manner,  upon  longitudinal  sleepers,  without  cross  ties. 
These  sleepers  were  also  in  a  state  of  partial  decay,  so 
that  trains  could  not  be  run  with  speed  or  safety.  All 
these  defects  have  now  been  remedied.  The  roadbed 
has  been  placed  in  first-rate  condition.  The  iron  is  now 
a  heavy  T  rail,  laid  in  new  iron  the  entire  length  of  the 
line.  Extensive  repair  shops  have  also  been  erected, 
well  furnished  with  the  necessary  tools  and  machinery. 
I  do  not  conceive  that  it  would  be  just  or  advisable  to 
restore  this  road,  with  its  improved  tracks  and  these 
costly  shops,  without  any  equivalent  for  the  great  value 
of  these  improvements  other  than  the  use  we  have  made 
of  it  since  its  recapture.  The  fact  that  we  have  replaced 
the  heavy  and  expensive  bridges  over  Elk,  Duck,  and 
Tennessee  Rivers,  and  over  Running  Water  Creek, 
should  also  not  be  forgotten  in  deciding  this  question. 

256 


A  Visit  to  Sheridan  in  the  Valley. 

The  above  general  remarks  are  also  applicable  to 
that  portion  of  the  Orange  and  Alexandria  Railroad 
between  the  Potomac  and  the  Rapidan.  Very  exten 
sive  repair  shops  have  been  erected  at  Alexandria,  and 
furnished  with  costly  machinery  for  the  use  of  the  road, 
and  I  understand  that  the  iron  and  the  roadbed  are 
now  much  better  than  when  the  Government  began  to 
use  it. 

The  same  is  still  more  the  case  with  the  road  be 
tween  City  Point  and  Petersburg.  When  that  road  was 
recaptured  from  the  public  enemy  not  only  was  the 
roadbed  a  good  deal  washed  away  and  damaged,  but 
neither  rails  nor  sound  ties  were  left  upon  it.  Now 
it  is  in  the  best  possible  condition.  Can  any  one  con 
tend  that  it  ought  to  be  restored  to  its  claimants  with 
out  charge  for  the  new  ties  and  iron? 

The  case  of  the  railroad  from  Harper's  Ferry  to 
Winchester  is  no  less  striking.  It  was  a  very  poor 
road  before  the  war,  and  was  early  demolished  by  the 
rebels.  Not  a  pound  of  iron,  not  a  sound  tie,  was  to 
be  found  upon  the  line  when  we  began  its  reconstruc 
tion  in  December  last.  We  have  spent  about  five  hun 
dred  thousand  dollars  in  bringing  it  to  its  present  con 
dition,  and  I  have  no  doubt  our  improvements  could  be 
sold  for  that  sum  to  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio  Company 
should  they  obtain  the  title  to  the  roadbed  from  the 
proper  authorities  of  Virginia.  Why,  then,  should  we 
give  them  up  for  nothing? 

On  the  Morehead  City  and  Goldsboro'  Railroad  we 
have  rebuilt  twenty-seven  miles  of  the  track,  and  fur 
nished  it  with  new  iron  and  laid  new  ties  on  many  miles 
more  since  February  last.  These  views  also  hold  good, 
unless  I  am  misinformed,  with  regard  to  the  railroad 
leading  into  New  Orleans,  the  Memphis  and  Little 
Rock  Railroad,  the  Memphis  and  Charleston  Railroad, 
and  the  Mobile  and  Ohio  Railroad.  They  have  all 
been  improved  at  great  expense  while  in  our  hands. 

In  the  third  rule  proposed  by  the  quartermaster 
general  it  is  provided  that  all  materials  for  permanent 
is  257 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

way  used  in  the  repair  and  construction  of  any  road, 
and  all  damaged  material  of  this  class  which  may  be 
left  along  its  route,  having  been  thrown  there  during 
operation  of  destruction  and  repair,  shall  be  considered 
as  part  of  the  road,  and  given  up  with  it  also  without 
compensation.  If  this  means  to  give  up  any  new  iron 
that  we  have  on  the  line  of  any  road,  it  seems  to  me 
to  concede  to  the  parties  to  whom  the  roads  are  to  be 
surrendered  more  than  they  have  a  right  to  claim.  For 
instance,  there  is  now  lying  at  Alexandria,  on  the  line 
of  the  Orange  and  Alexandria  road,  iron  sufficient  to 
lay  thirty  miles  of  track.  It  seems  manifest  to  me  that 
this  iron  should  not  be  surrendered  to  the  road  without 
being  paid  for.  In  my  judgment  it  is  also  advisable  to 
establish  the  principle  that  the  Government  will  not 
pay  for  the  damages  done  any  road  in  the  prosecution 
of  hostilities,  any  more  than  it  will  pay  for  similar  dam 
ages  done  by  the  enemy.  With  these  exceptions,  the 
principles  proposed  by  the  quartermaster  general  ap 
pear  to  be  correct. 

In  accordance  with  these  observations,  I  would 
recommend  that  the  following  rules  be  determined  upon 
to  govern  the  settlement  of  these  matters: 

1.  The  United  States  will,  as  soon  as  it  can  dis 
pense  with  military  occupation  and  control  of  any  road 
of  which  the  Quartermaster's  Department  is  in  charge, 
turn  it  over  to  the  parties  asking  to  receive  it  who  may 
appear  to  have  the  best  claim,  and  be  able  to  operate 
it  in  such  a  manner  as  to  secure  the  speedy  movement 
of  all  military  stores  and  troops,  the  quartermaster  gen 
eral,  upon  the  advice  of  the  commander  of  the  depart 
ment,  to  determine  when  this  can  be  done,  subject  to 
the  approval  of  the  Secretary  of  War. 

2.  Where  any  State  has  a  loyal  board  of  works,  or 
other  executive  officers  charged  with  the  supervision 
of  railroads,  such  road  shall  be  turned  over  to  such 
board  of  officers  rather  than  to  any  corporations  or  pri 
vate  parties. 

3.  When  any  railroad  shall  be  so  turned  over,  a 

258 


A  Visit  to  Sheridan  in  the  Valley. 

board  of  appraisers  shall  be  appointed,  who  shall  esti 
mate  and  determine  the  value  of  any  improvements 
which  may  have  been  made  by  the  United  States,  either 
in  the  road  itself  or  in  its  repair  shop  and  permanent 
machinery,  and  the  amount  of  such  improvements  shall 
be  a  lien  upon  the  road. 

4.  The  parties  to  whom  the  road  is  turned  over  shall 
have  the  option  of  purchasing  at  their  value  any  tools, 
iron,  or  any  other  materials  for  permanent  way  which 
have  been  provided  by  the  United  States  for  the  im 
provement  of  the  road  and  have  not  been  used. 

5.  All   other  movable   property,   including   rolling 
stock  of  all  kinds,  the  property  of  the  United  States,  to 
be  sold  at  auction,  after  full  public  notice,  to  the  high 
est  bidder. 

6.  All  rolling  stock  and  materials  of  railroads  cap 
tured  by  the  forces  of  the  United  States,  and  not  con 
sumed,  destroyed,  or  permanently  fixed  elsewhere — as, 
for  instance,  when  captured  iron  has  been  laid  upon 
other  roads — shall  be  placed  at  the  disposal  of  the  roads 
which  originally  owned  them,  and  shall  be  given  up  to 
these  roads  as  soon  as  it  can  be  spared  and  they  appear 
by  proper  agents  authorized  to  receive  it. 

7.  No  payment  or  credit  shall  be  given  to  any  rail 
road  recaptured  from  the  enemy  for  its  occupation  or 
use  by  the  United  States  to  take  possession  of  it,  but 
its  capture  and  restoration  shall  be  considered  a  suf 
ficient  consideration  for  all  such  use;  nor  shall  any  in 
demnity  be  paid  for  injuries  done  to  the  property  of 
any  road  by  the  forces  of  the  United  States  during  the 
continuance  of  the  war. 

8.  Roads  which  have  not  been   operated  by  the 
United  States  Quartermaster's  Department  not  to  be 
interfered  with  unless  under  military  necessity  ;    such 
roads  to  be  left  in  the  possession  of  such  persons  as 
may  now  have  possession,  subject  only  to  the  removal 
of  every  agent,  director,  president,  superintendent,  or 
operative  who  has  not  taken  the  oath  of  allegiance  to 
the  United  States. 

259 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

9.  When  superintendents  in  actual  possession  de 
cline  to  take  the  oath,  some  competent  person  shall  be 
appointed  as  receiver  of  the  road,  who  will  administer 
its  affairs  and  account  for  its  receipts  to  the  board  of 
directors,  who  may  be  formally  recognized  as  the  legal 
and  formal  board  of  managers,  the  receiver  to  be  ap 
pointed  by  the  Treasury  Department,  as  in  the  case  of 
abandoned  property. 

I  am,  sir,  very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

C.  A.  DANA, 
Assistant  Secretary  of  War. 

These  recommendations  were  carried  out  partly  in 
the  transfer,  which  was  practically  complete  by  the  end 
of  1865.  The  department  decided  upon  a  somewhat 
more  liberal  policy  than  I  had  thought  justifiable.  The 
roads  and  bridges  were  transferred  practically  in  the 
same  condition  as  they  were  in  at  the  time  of  transfer. 
It  was  believed  that  this  generosity  would  react  favor 
ably  upon  the  revenue  and  credit  of  the  nation,  and 
there  is  no  doubt  that  it  did  have  a  good  influence. 

During  the  presidential  campaign  of  1864,  which 
resulted  in  Lincoln's  re-election  and  in  the  further  prose 
cution  of  the  war  upon  the  lines  of  Lincoln's  policy, 
we  were  busy  in  the  department  arranging  for  soldiers 
to  go  home  to  vote,  and  also  for  the  taking  of  ballots 
in  the  army.  There  was  a  constant  succession  of  tele 
grams  from  all  parts  of  the  country  requesting  that  leave 
of  absence  be  extended  to  this  or  that  officer,  in  order 
that  his  district  at  home  might  have  the  benefit  of  his 
vote  and  political  influence.  Furloughs  were  asked  for 
private  soldiers  whose  presence  in  close  districts  was 
deemed  of  especial  importance,  and  there  was  a  wide- 

260 


A  Fisit  to  Sheridan  in  the  Valley. 

spread  demand  that  men  on  detached  service  and  con 
valescents  in  hospitals  be  sent  home. 

All  the  power  and  influence  of  the  War  Department, 
then  something  enormous  from  the  vast  expenditure 
and  extensive  relations  of  the  war,  was  employed  to  se 
cure  the  re-election  of  Mr.  Lincoln.  The  political  strug 
gle  was  most  intense,  and  the  interest  taken  in  it,  both 
in  the  White  House  and  in  the  War  Department,  was 
almost  painful.  After  the  arduous  toil  of  the  canvass, 
there  was  naturally  a  great  suspense  of  feeling  until 
the  result  of  the  voting  should  be  ascertained.  On 
November  8th,  election  day,  I  went  over  to  the  War 
Department  about  half  past  eight  o'clock  in  the  even 
ing,  and  found  the  President  and  Mr.  Stanton  together 
in  the  Secretary's  office.  General  Eckert,  who  then  had 
charge  of  the  telegraph  department  of  the  War  Office, 
was  coming  in  constantly  with  telegrams  containing 
election  returns.  Mr.  Stanton  would  read  them,  and 
the  President  would  look  at  them  and  comment  upon 
them.  Presently  there  came  a  lull  in  the  returns,  and 
Mr.  Lincoln  called  me  to  a  place  by  his  side. 

"  Dana,"  said  he,  "  have  you  ever  read  any  of  the 
writings  of  Petroleum  V.  Nasby?  " 

"  No,  sir,"  I  said;  "  I  have  only  looked  at  some  of 
them,  and  they  seemed  to  be  quite  funny." 

"Well,"  said  he,  "let  me  read  you  a  specimen"; 
and,  pulling  out  a  thin  yellow-covered  pamphlet  from 
his  breast  pocket,  he  began  to  read  aloud.  Mr.  Stanton 
viewed  these  proceedings  with  great  impatience,  as  I 
could  see,  but  Mr.  Lincoln  paid  no  attention  to  that. 
He  would  read  a  page  or  a  story,  pause  to  consider  a 

261 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

new  election  telegram,  and  then  open  the  book  again 
and  go  ahead  with  a  new  passage.  Finally,  Mr.  Chase 
came  in,  and  presently  somebody  else,  and  then  the 
reading  was  interrupted. 

Mr.  Stanton  went  to  the  door  and  beckoned  me  into 
the  next  room.  I  shall  never  forget  the  fire  of  his  in 
dignation  at  what  seemed  to  him  to  be  mere  nonsense. 
The  idea  that  when  the  safety  of  the  republic  was  thus 
at  issue,  when  the  control  of  an  empire  was  to  be  de 
termined  by  a  few  figures  brought  in  by  the  telegraph, 
the  leader,  the  man  most  deeply  concerned,  not  merely 
for  himself  but  for  his  country,  could  turn  aside  to  read 
such  balderdash  and  to  laugh  at  such  frivolous  jests  was, 
to  his  mind,  repugnant,  even  damnable.  He  could  not 
understand,  apparently,  that  it  was  by  the  relief  which 
these  jests  afforded  to  the  strain  of  mind  under  which 
Lincoln  had  so  long  been  living,  and  to  the  natural 
gloom  of  a  melancholy  and  desponding  temperament — 
this  was  Mr.  Lincoln's  prevailing  characteristic — that 
the  safety  and  sanity  of  his  intelligence  were  maintained 
and  preserved. 


262 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

"  ON  TO   RICHMOND  "   AT  LAST! 

The  fall  of  the  Confederacy — In  Richmond  just  after  the  evacuation — 
A  search  for  Confederate  archives — Lincoln's  propositions  to  the 
Virginians — A  meeting  with  the  Confederate  Assistant  Secretary 
of  War — Andrew  Johnson  turns  up  at  Richmond — His  views  as  to 
the  necessity  of  punishing  rebels — The  first  Sunday  services  at  the 
Confederate  capital  under  the  old  flag — News  of  Lee's  surrender 
reaches  Richmond — Back  to  Washington  with  Grant. 

IT  was  evident  to  all  of  us,  as  the  spring  of  1865 
came  on,  that  the  war  was  drawing  to  a  close.  Sher 
man  was  coming  northward  from  his  triumphant  march 
to  the  sea,  and  would  soon  be  in  communication  with 
Grant,  who,  ever  since  I  left  him  in  July,  1864,  had 
been  watching  Petersburg  and  Richmond,  where  Lee's 
army  was  shut  up.  At  the  end  of  March  Grant  ad 
vanced.  On  April  ist  Sheridan  won  the  battle  of  Five 
Forks;  then  on  April  2d  came  the  successful  assaults 
which  drove  Lee  from  Petersburg. 

On  the  morning  of  April  3d,  before  I  had  left  my 
house,  Mr.  Stanton  sent  for  me  to  come  immediately 
to  the  War  Department.  When  I  reached  his  office, 
he  told  me  that  Richmond  had  surrendered,  and  that 
he  wanted  me  to  go  down  at  once  to  report  the  con 
dition  of  affairs.  I  started  as  soon  as  I  could  get  a 
steamboat,  Roscoe  Conkling  and  my  son  Paul  accom 
panying  me.  We  arrived  at  City  Point  early  on  April 

263 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

5th.  Little  was  known  there  of  the  condition  of  things 
in  Richmond.  There  were  but  a  few  officers  left  at  the 
place,  and  those  were  overwhelmed  with  work.  I  had 
expected  to  find  the  President  at  City  Point,  he  having 
been  in  the  vicinity  for  several  days,  but  Mr.  Lincoln 
had  gone  up  to  Richmond  the  day  before. 

I  started  up  the  river  immediately,  and  reached  the 
town  early  in  the  afternoon.  I  went  at  once  to  find 
Major-General  Godfrey  Weitzel,  who  was  in  command 
of  the  United  States  forces.  He  was  at  his  headquarters, 
which  were  in  Jefferson  Davis's  former  residence.  I  had 
heard  down  the  river  that  Davis  had  sold  his  furniture 
at  auction  some  days  before  the  evacuation,  but  I  found 
when  I  reached  the  house  that  this  was  a  mistake — the 
furniture  was  all  there. 

Weitzel  told  me  that  he  had  learned  at  three  o'clock 
in  the  morning  of  Monday,  April  3d,  that  Richmond 
was  being  evacuated.  He  had  moved  forward  at  day 
light,  first  taking  care  to  give  his  men  breakfast,  in  the 
expectation  that  they  might  have  to  fight.  He  met 
no  opposition,  and  on  entering  the  city  was  greeted  with 
a  hearty  welcome  from  the  mass  of  people.  The  mayor 
went  out  to  meet  him  to  surrender  the  city,  but  missed 
him  on  the  road. 

I  took  a  walk  around  Richmond  that  day  to  see 
how  much  the  city  was  injured.  The  Confederates  in 
retreating  had  set  it  on  fire,  and  the  damage  done  in 
that  way  was  enormous;  nearly  everything  between 
Main  Street  and  the  river,  for  about  three  quarters  of  a 
mile,  was  burned.  The  custom  house  and  the  Spots- 
wood  Hotel  were  the  only  important  buildings  remain- 

264 


"  On  to  Richmond"  at  Last! 

ing  in  the  burned  district.  The  block  opposite  the 
Spotswood,  including  the  Confederate  War  Depart 
ment  building,  was  entirely  consumed.  The  Peters 
burg  Railroad  bridge,  and  that  of  the  Danville  road, 
were  destroyed.  All  the  enemy's  vessels,  excepting  an 
unfinished  ram  which  had  her  machinery  in  perfect 
order,  were  burned.  The  Tredegar  Iron  Works  were 
unharmed.  Libby  Prison  and  Castle  Thunder  had  also 
escaped  the  fire. 

Immediately  upon  arriving  I  began  to  make  in 
quiries  about  official  papers.  I  found  that  the  records 
and  documents  of  the  departments  and  of  Congress 
had  generally  been  removed  before  the  evacuation,  and 
that  during  the  fire  the  Capitol  had  been  ransacked  and 
the  documents  there  scattered.  In  the  rooms  of  the 
Secretary  of  the  Senate  and  of  the  Military  Committee 
of  the  House  of  Representatives  in  the  State  House  we 
found  some  papers  of  importance.  They  were  in  various 
cases  in  drawers,  and  all  in  great  confusion.  They  were 
more  or  less  imperfect  and  fragmentary.  In  the  State 
Engineer's  office  also  there  were  some  boxes  of  papers 
relating  to  the  Confederate  works  on  the  Potomac, 
around  Norfolk,  and  on  the  Peninsula.  I  had  all  of 
these  packed  for  shipment,  without  attempting  to  put 
them  in  order,  and  forwarded  at  once  to  Washington. 

General  Weitzel  told  me  that  he  had  found  about 
twenty  thousand  people  in  Richmond,  half  of  them  of 
African  descent.  He  said  that  when  President  Lincoln 
entered  the  town  on  the  4th  he  received  a  most  enthu 
siastic  reception  from  the  mass  of  the  inhabitants.  All 
the  members  of  Congress  had  escaped,  and  only  the 

265 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

Assistant  Secretary  of  War,  Judge  John  Archibald 
Campbell,  remained  in  the  fallen  capital  of  the  Con 
federacy.  Most  of  the  newspaper  editors  had  fled,  but 
the  Whig  appeared  on  the  4th  as  a  Union  paper,  with 
the  name  of  its  former  proprietor  at  its  head.  The 
night  after  I  arrived  the  theater  opened. 

There  was  much  suffering  and  poverty  among  the 
population,  the  rich  as  well  as  the  poor  being  destitute 
of  food.  Weitzel  had  decided  to  issue  supplies  to  all 
who  would  take  the  oath.  In  my  first  message  to  Mr. 
Stanton  I  spoke  of  this.  He  immediately  answered: 
"  Please  ascertain  from  General  Weitzel  under  what  au 
thority  he  is  distributing  rations  to  the  people  of  Rich 
mond,  as  I  suppose  he  would  not  do  it  without  author 
ity;  and  direct  him  to  report  daily  the  amount  of  ra 
tions  distributed  by  his  order  to  persons  not  belonging 
to  the  military  service,  and  not  authorized  by  law  to 
receive  rations,  designating  the  color  of  the  persons, 
their  occupation,  and  sex."  Mr.  Stanton  seemed  to  be 
satisfied  when  I  wired  him  that  Weitzel  was  working 
under  General  Ord's  orders,  approved  by  General  Grant, 
and  that  he  was  paying  for  the  rations  by  selling  cap 
tured  property. 

The  important  question  which  the  President  had  on 
his  mind  when  I  reached  Richmond  was  how  Virginia 
could  be  brought  back  to  the  Union.  He  had  already 
had  an  interview  with  Judge  Campbell  and  other  promi 
nent  representatives  of  the  Confederate  Government. 
All  they  asked,  they  said,  was  an  amnesty  and  a  mili 
tary  convention  to  cover  appearances.  Slavery  they 
admitted  to  be  defunct.  The  President  did  not  promise 

266 


"  On  to  Richmond"  at  Last! 

the  amnesty,  but  he  told  them  he  had  the  pardoning 
power,  and  would  save  any  repentant  sinner  from  hang 
ing.  They  assured  him  that,  if  amnesty  could  be  of 
fered,  the  rebel  army  would  be  dissolved  and  all  the 
States  return. 

On  the  morning  of  the  7th,  five  members  of  the  so- 
called  Virginia  Legislature  held  a  meeting  to  consider 
written  propositions  which  the  President  had  handed 
to  Judge  Campbell.  The  President  showed  these  papers 
to  me  confidentially.  They  were  two  in  number.  One 
stated  reunion  as  a  sine  qua  non;  the  second  authorized 
General  Weitzel  to  allow  members  of  the  body  claiming 
to  be  the  Legislature  of  Virginia  to  meet  in  Richmond 
for  the  purpose  of  recalling  Virginia's  soldiers  from  the 
rebel  armies,  with  safe  conduct  to  them  so  long  as  they 
did  and  said  nothing  hostile  to  the  United  States.  In 
discussing  with  me  these  documents,  the  President  re 
marked  that  Sheridan  seemed  to  be  getting  rebel  sol 
diers  out  of  the  war  faster  than  the  Legislature  could 
think. 

The  next  morning,  on  April  8th,  I  was  present  at 
an  interesting  interview  between  General  Weitzel  and 
General  Shepley,  who  had  been  appointed  as  Military 
Governor  of  Richmond,  and  a  committee  of  prominent 
citizens  and  members  of  the  Legislature.  Various 
papers  were  read  by  the  Virginian  representatives,  but 
they  were  told  plainly  that  no  propositions  could  be 
entertained  that  involved  a  recognition  of  the  Confed 
erate  authorities.  The  committee  were  also  informed 
that  if  they  desired  to  prepare  an  address  to  the  people, 
advising  them  to  abandon  hostility  to  the  Government 

267 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

at  once,  and  begin  to  obey  the  laws  of  the  United  States, 
they  should  have  every  facility  for  its  circulation  through 
the  State,  provided,  of  course,  that  it  met  the  approval 
of  the  military  authorities.  The  two  Union  generals 
said  that  if  the  committee  desired  to  call  a  convention 
of  the  prominent  citizens  of  the  State,  with  a  view  to 
the  restoration  of  the  authority  of  the  United  States 
Government,  they  would  be  allowed  to  go  outside  the 
lines  of  Richmond  for  the  purpose  of  visiting  citizens 
in  different  parts  of  the  State  and  inducing  them  to  take 
part  in  a  convention.  Safe  conduct  was  promised  to 
them  for  themselves  and  such  citizens  as  they  could 
persuade  to  attend  the  convention.  They  were  also  told 
that  if  they  were  not  able  to  find  conveyances  for  them 
selves  for  the  journey  into  the  country,  horses  would  be 
loaned  to  them  for  that  purpose.  All  this,  they  were 
informed,  was  not  to  be  considered  as  in  any  manner 
condoning  any  offense  of  which  any  individual  among 
them  might  have  been  guilty. 

Judge  Campbell  said  that  he  had  no  wish  to  take 
a  prominent  part  in  the  proceedings,  but  that  he  had 
long  since  made  up  his  mind  that  the  cause  of  the  South 
was  hopeless.  He  had  written  a  formal  memorial  to 
Jefferson  Davis,  immediately  after  the  Hampton  Roads 
conference,  urging  him  and  the  Confederate  Congress 
to  take  immediate  steps  to  stop  the  war  and  restore  the 
Union.  He  had  deliberately  remained  in  Richmond  to 
meet  the  consequences  of  his  acts.  He  said  that  if  he 
could  be  used  in  the  restoration  of  peace  and  order,  he 
would  gladly  undertake  any  labor  that  might  be  de 
sired  of  him. 

268 


"  On  to  Richmond"  at  Last! 

The  spirit  of  the  committee  seemed  to  be  generally 
the  same  as  Judge  Campbell's,  though  none  of  them 
equalled  him  in  ability  and  clearness  of  thought  and 
statement.  They  were  thoroughly  conscious  that  they 
were  beaten,  and  sincerely  anxious  to  stop  all  further 
bloodshed  and  restore  peace,  law,  and  order.  This 
mental  condition  seemed  to  me  to  be  very  hopeful  and 
encouraging. 

One  day,  after  the  meeting  of  this  committee,  I  was 
in  the  large  room  downstairs  of  the  Spotswood  Hotel 
when  my  name  was  called,  and  I  turned  around  to  see 
Andrew  Johnson,  the  new  Vice-President  of  the  United 
States.  He  took  me  aside  and  spoke  with  great  ear 
nestness  about  the  necessity  of  not  taking  the  Confed 
erates  back  without  some  conditions  or  without  some 
punishment.  He  insisted  that  their  sins  had  been  enor 
mous,  and  that  if  they  were  let  back  into  the  Union 
without  any  punishment  the  effect  would  be  very  bad. 
He  said  they  might  be  very  dangerous  in  the  future. 
The  Vice-President  talked  to  me  in  this  strain  for  fully 
twenty  minutes,  I  should  think.  It  was  an  impassioned, 
earnest  speech  that  he  made  to  me  on  the  subject  of 
punishing  rebels.  Finally,  when  he  paused  and  I  got 
a  chance  to  reply,  I  said: 

"  Why,  Mr.  Johnson,  I  have  no  power  in  this  case. 
Your  remarks  are  very  striking,  very  impressive,  and 
certainly  worthy  of  the  most  serious  consideration,  but 
it  does  not  seem  to  me  necessary  that  they  should 
be  addressed  to  me.  They  ought  to  be  addressed 
to  the  President  and  to  the  members  of  Congress, 
to  those  who  have  authority  in  the  case,  and  who 

269 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 
will  finally  have  to  decide  this   question  which  you 


raise." 


"  Mr.  Dana/'  said  he,  "  I  feel  it  to  be  my  duty  to 
say  these  things  to  every  man  whom  I  meet,  whom  I 
know  to  have  any  influence.  Any  man  whose  thoughts 
are  considered  by  others,  or  whose  judgment  is  going 
to  weigh  in  the  case,  I  must  speak  to,  so  that  the  weight 
of  opinion  in  favor  of  the  view  of  this  question  which  I 
offer  may  possibly  become  preponderating  and  de 


cisive." 


That  was  in  April.  When  Mr.  Johnson  became 
President,  not  long  after,  he  soon  came  to  take  entirely 
the  view  which  he  condemned  so  earnestly  in  this  con 
versation  with  me. 

Toward  the  end  of  the  first  week  after  we  entered 
Richmond  the  question  about  opening  the  churches  on 
Sunday  came  up.  I  asked  General  Weitzel  what  he  was 
going  to  do.  He  answered  that  all  the  places  of  worship 
were  to  be  allowed  to  open  on  condition  that  no  dis 
loyalty  should  be  uttered,  and  that  the  Episcopal  clergy 
men  should  read  the  prayer  for  the  President  of  the 
United  States.  But  the  next  day  General  Shepley,  the 
military  governor,  came  to  me  to  ask  that  the  order 
might  be  relaxed  so  that  the  clergy  should  be  required 
only  not  to  pray  for  Davis.  I  declined  giving  any 
orders,  having  received  none  from  Washington,  and  said 
that  Weitzel  must  act  in  the  matter  entirely  on  his  own 
judgment.  Judge  Campbell  used  all  his  influence  with 
Weitzel  and  Shepley  to  get  them  to  consent  that  a  loyal 
prayer  should  not  be  exacted.  Weitzel  concluded  not 
to  give  a  positive  order;  his  decision  was  influenced  by 

270 


"  On  to  Richmond"  at  Last! 

the  examples  of  New  Orleans,  Norfolk,  and  Savannah, 
where,  he  said,  the  requirement  had  not  been  at  first 
enforced.  In  a  greater  measure,  however,  his  decision 
was  the  result  of  the  President's  verbal  direction  to  him 
to  "  let  the  people  down  easy."  The  churches  were  all 
well  filled  on  Sunday,  the  ladies  especially  attending  in 
great  numbers.  The  sermons  were  devout  and  not  po 
litical,  the  city  was  perfectly  quiet,  and  there  was  more 
security  for  persons  and  property  than  had  existed  in 
Richmond  for  many  months. 

On  Monday  morning  the  news  of  Lee's  surrender 
reached  us  in  Richmond.  It  produced  a  deep  impres 
sion.  Even  the  most  intensely  partisan  women  now 
felt  that  the  defeat  was  perfect  and  the  rebellion  fin 
ished,  while  among  the  men  there  was  no  sentiment 
but  submission  to  the  power  of  the  nation,  and  a  re 
turning  hope  that  their  individual  property  might 
escape  confiscation.  They  all  seemed  most  keenly  alive 
to  this  consideration,  and  men  like  General  Anderson, 
the  proprietor  of  the  Tredegar  works,  were  zealous 
in  their  efforts  to  produce  a  thorough  pacification  and 
save  their  possessions. 

The  next  morning  I  received  from  Mr.  Stanton  an 
order  to  proceed  to  General  Grant's  headquarters  and 
furnish  from  there  such  details  as  might  be  of  interest. 
It  was  at  this  time  that  I  had  an  interesting  talk  with 
Grant  on  the  condition  of  Lee's  army  and  about  the 
men  and  arms  surrendered.  He  told  me  that,  in  the 
long  private  interview  which  he  had  with  Lee  at 
Appomattox,  the  latter  said  that  he  should  devote 
his  whole  efforts  to  pacifying  the  country  and  bring- 

271 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

ing  the  people  back  to  the  Union.  Lee  declared  that 
he  had  always  been  for  the  Union  in  his  own  heart, 
and  could  find  no  justification  for  the  politicians  who 
had  brought  on  the  war,  the  origin  of  which  he  believed 
to  have  been  in  the  folly  of  extremists  on  both  sides. 
The  war,  Lee  declared,  had  left  him  a  poor  man,  with 
nothing  but  what  he  had  upon  his  person,  and  his  wife 
would  have  to  provide  for  herself  until  he  could  find 
some  employment. 

The  officers  of  Lee's  army,  Grant  said,  all  seemed  to 
be  glad  that  it  was  over,  and  the  men  still  more  so  than 
the  orficers.  All  were  greatly  impressed  by  the  gen 
erosity  of  the  terms  finally  granted  to  them,  for  at  the 
time  of  the  surrender  they  were  surrounded  and  escape 
was  impossible.  General  Grant  thought  that  these  terms 
were  of  great  importance  toward  securing  a  thorough 
peace  and  undisturbed  submission  to  the  Government. 

I  returned  to  Washington  with  General  Grant, 
reaching  there  the  I3th,  and  taking  up  my  work  in 
the  department  at  once. 


272 


CHAPTER  XX. 

THE   CLOSING   SCENES   AT   WASHINGTON. 

Last  interview  with  Mr.  Lincoln — Why  Jacob  Thompson  escaped — At 
the  deathbed  of  the  murdered  President — Searching  for  the  assas 
sins — The  letters  which  Mr.  Lincoln  had  docketed  "  Assassiriation  " 
— At  the  conspiracy  trial — The  Confederate  secret  cipher — Jeffer 
son  Davis's  capture  and  imprisonment — A  visit  to  the  Confederate 
President  at  Fortress  Monroe — The  grand  review  of  the  Union 
armies — The  meeting  between  Stanton  and  Sherman — End  of  Mr. 
Dana's  connection  with  the  War  Department. 

IT  was  one  of  my  duties  at  this  time  to  receive  the 
reports  of  the  officers  of  the  secret  service  in  every  part 
of  the  country.  On  the  afternoon  of  the  I4th  of  April — 
it,  was  Good  Friday — I  got  a  telegram  from  the  provost 
marshal  in  Portland,  Me.,  saying:  "  I  have  positive  in 
formation  that  Jacob  Thompson  will  pass  through  Port 
land  to-night,  in  order  to  take  a  steamer  for  England. 
What  are  your  orders?  " 

Jacob  Thompson,  of  Mississippi,  had  been  Secretary 
of  the  Interior  in  President  Buchanan's  administration. 
He  was  a  conspicuous  secessionist,  and  for  some  time 
had  been  employed  in  Canada  as  a  semi-diplomatic 
agent  of  the  Confederate  Government.  He  had  been 
organizing  all  sorts  of  trouble  and  getting  up  raids, 
of  which  the  notorious  attack  on  St.  Albans,  Vt.,  was 
a  specimen.  I  took  the  telegram  and  went  down  and 
read  it  to  Mr.  Stanton.  His  order  was  prompt:  "Ar 
rest  him!"  But  as  I  was  going  out  of  the  door  he 
19  273 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

called  to  me  and  said:  "  No,  wait;  better  go  over  and 
see  the  President." 

At  the  White  House  all  the  work  of  the  day  was 
over,  and  I  went  into  the  President's  business  room 
without  meeting  any  one.  Opening  the  door,  there 
seemed  to  be  no  one  there,  but,  as  I  was  turning  to  go 
out,  Mr.  Lincoln  called  to  me  from  a  little  side  room, 
where  he  was  washing  his  hands: 

"  Halloo,  Dana!  "  said  he.  "  What  is  it?  What's 
up?" 

Then  I  read  him  the  telegram  from  Portland. 

"  What  does  Stanton  say?  "  he  asked. 

"  He  says  arrest  him,  but  that  I  should  refer  the 
question  to  you." 

"  Well,"  said  the  President  slowly,  wiping  his  hands, 
"  no,  I  rather  think  not.  When  you  have  got  an  ele 
phant  by  the  hind  leg,  and  he's  trying  to  run  away,  it's 
best  to  let  him  run." 

With  this  direction,  I  returned  to  the  War  Depart 
ment. 

"  Well,  what  says  he?  "  asked  Mr.  Stanton. 

"  He  says  that  when  you  have  got  an  elephant  by 
the  hind  leg,  and  he  is  trying  to  run  away,  it's  best  to 
let  him  run." 

"  Oh,  stuff!  "  said  Stanton. 

That  night  I  was  awakened  from  a  sound  sleep  by 
a  messenger  with  the  news  that  Mr.  Lincoln  had  been 
shot,  and  that  the  Secretary  wanted  me  at  a  house  in 
Tenth  Street.  I  found  the  President  with  a  bullet 
wound  in  the  head,  lying  unconscious,  though  breathing 
heavily,  on  a  bed  in  a  small  side  room,  while  all  the 

274 


'The  Closing  Scenes  at  Washington. 

members  of  the  Cabinet,  and  the  Chief  Justice  with 
them,  were  gathered  in  the  adjoining  parlor.  They 
seemed  to  be  almost  as  much  paralyzed  as  the  uncon 
scious  sufferer  within  the  little  chamber.  The  sur 
geons  said  there  was  no  hope.  Mr.  Stanton  alone  was 
in  full  activity. 

"  Sit  down  here,"  said  he;  "I  want  you." 
Then  he  began  and  dictated  orders,  one  after  an 
other,  which  I  wrote  out  and  sent  swiftly  to  the  tele 
graph.  All  these  orders  were  designed  to  keep  the  busi 
ness  of  the  Government  in  full  motion  until  the  crisis 
should  be  over.  It  seemed  as  if  Mr.  Stanton  thought  of 
everything,  and  there  was  a  great  deal  to  be  thought 
of  that  night.  The  extent  of  the  conspiracy  was,  of 
course,  unknown,  and  the  horrible  beginning  which  had 
been  made  naturally  led  us  to  suspect  the  worst.  The 
safety  of  Washington  must  be  looked  after.  Com 
manders  all  over  the  country  had  to  be  ordered  to  take 
extra  precautions.  The  people  must  be  notified  of  the 
tragedy.  The  assassins  must  be  captured.  The  cool 
ness  and  clearheadedness  of  Mr.  Stanton  under  these 
circumstances  were  most  remarkable.  I  remember  that 
one  of  his  first  telegrams  was  to  General  Dix,  the  mili 
tary  commander  of  New  York,  notifying  him  of  what 
had  happened.  No  clearer  brief  account  of  the  tragedy 
exists  to-day  than  this,  written  scarcely  three  hours 
after  the  scene  in  Ford's  Theater,  on  a  little  stand  in  the 
room  where,  a  few  feet  away,  Mr.  Lincoln  lay  dying. 

I  remained  with  Mr.  Stanton  until  perhaps  three 
o'clock  in  the  morning.  Then  he  said:  "  That's  enough. 
Now  you  may  go  home." 

275 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

When  I  left,  the  President  was  still  alive,  breathing 
heavily  and  regularly,  though,  of  course,  quite  uncon 
scious.  About  eight  o'clock  I  was  awakened  by  a  rap 
ping  on  a  lower  window.  It  was  Colonel  Pelouze,  of 
the  adjutant-general's  office,  and  he  said: 

"  Mr.  Dana,  the  President  is  dead,  and  Mr.  Stanton 
directs  you  to  arrest  Jacob  Thompson." 

The  order  was  sent  to  Portland,  but  Thompson 
couldn't  be  found  there.  He  had  taken  the  Canadian 
route  to  Halifax. 

The  whole  machinery  of  the  War  Department  was 
now  employed  in  the  effort  to  secure  the  murderer  of 
the  President  and  his  accomplices.  As  soon  as  I  had 
recovered  from  the  first  shock  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  death, 
I  remembered  that  in  the  previous  November  I  had 
received  from  General  Dix  the  following  letter: 

HEADQUARTERS,  DEPARTMENT  OF  THE  EAST, 

NEW  YORK  CITY,  November  77,  1864. 
C.  A.  DANA,  Esq. 

MY  DEAR  SIR:  The  inclosed  was  picked  up  in  a 
Third  Avenue  railroad  car.  I  should  have  thought  the 
whole  thing  got  up  for  the  Sunday  Mercury  but  for  the 
genuine  letter  from  St.  Louis  in  a  female  hand.  The 
Charles  Selby  is  obviously  a  manufacture.  The  party 
who  dropped  the  letter  was  heard  to  say  he  would  start 
for  Washington  Friday  night.  He  is  of  medium  size, 
has  black  hair  and  whiskers,  but  the  latter  are  believed 
to  be  a  disguise.  He  had  disappeared  before  the  letter 
was  picked  up  and  examined. 

Yours  truly,  JOHN  A.  Dix. 

There  were  two  inclosures,  this  being  one  of  them: 

DEAR  Louis:  The  time  has  at  last  come  that  we 
have  all  so  wished  for,  and  upon  you  everything  de- 

276 


'The  Closing  Scenes  at  Washington. 

pends.  As  it  was  decided  before  you  left,  we  were  to 
cast  lots.  Accordingly  we  did  so,  and  you  are  to  be 
the  Charlotte  Corday  of  the  nineteenth  century.  When 
you  remember  the  fearful,  solemn  vow  that  was  taken 
by  us,  you  will  feel  there  is  no  drawback — Abe  must  die, 
and  now.  You  can  choose  your  weapons.  The  cup, 
the  knife,  the  bullet.  The  cup  failed  us  once,  and  might 
again.  Johnson,  who  will  give  this,  has  been  like  an 
enraged  demon  since  the  meeting,  because  it  has  not 
fallen  upon  him  to  rid  the  world  of  the  monster.  He 
says  the  blood  of  his  gray-haired  father  and  his  noble 
brother  call  upon  him  for  revenge,  and  revenge  he  will 
have;  if  he  can  not  wreak  it  upon  the  fountain-head, 
he  will  upon  some  of  the  bloodthirsty  generals.  Butler 
would  suit  him.  As  our  plans  were  all  concocted  and 
well  arranged,  we  separated,  and  as  I  am  writing — on 
my  way  to  Detroit — I  will  only  say  that  all  rests  upon 
you.  You  know  where  to  find  your  friends.  Your  dis 
guises  are  so  perfect  and  complete  that  without  one 
knew  your  face  no  police  telegraphic  dispatch  would 
catch  you.  The  English  gentleman  "  Harcourt  "  must 
not  act  hastily.  Remember  he  has  ten  days.  Strike 
for  your  home,  strike  for  your  country;  bide  your  time, 
but  strike  sure.  Get  introduced,  congratulate  him, 
listen  to  his  stories — not  many  more  will  the  brute  tell 
to  earthly  friends.  Do  anything  but  fail,  and  meet  us 
at  the  appointed  place  within  the  fortnight.  Inclose 
this  note,  together  with  one  of  poor  Leenea.  I  will 
give  the  reason  for  this  when  we  meet.  Return  by 
Johnson.  I  wish  I  could  go  to  you,  but  duty  calls  me 
to  the  West;  you  will  probably  hear  from  me  in  Wash 
ington.  Sanders  is  doing  us  no  good  in  Canada. 
Believe  me,  your  brother  in  love, 

CHARLES  SELBY. 

The  other  was  in  a  woman's  handwriting: 

ST.  Louis,  October  21,  1864. 

DEAREST  HUSBAND:  Why  do  you  not  come  home? 
You  left  me  for  ten  days  only,  and  you  now  have  been 

277 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

from  home  more  than  two  weeks.  In  that  long  time 
only  sent  me  one  short  note — a  few  cold  words — and  a 
check  for  money,  which  I  did  not  require.  What  has 
come  over  you?  Have  you  forgotten  your  wife  and 
child?  Baby  calls  for  papa  until  my  heart  aches.  We 
are  so  lonely  without  you.  I  have  written  to  you  again 
and  again,  and,  as  a  last  resource,  yesterday  wrote  to 
Charlie,  begging  him  to  see  you  and  tell  you  to  come 
home.  I  am  so  ill,  not  able  to  leave  my  room;  if  I  was, 
I  would  go  to  you  wherever  you  were,  if  in  this  world. 
Mamma  says  I  must  not  write  any  more,  as  I  am  too 
weak.  Louis,  darling,  do  not  stay  away  any  longer 
from  your  heart-broken  wife.  LEENEA. 

On  reading  the  letters,  I  had  taken  them  at  once  to 
President  Lincoln.  He  looked  at  them,  but  made  no 
special  remark,  and,  in  fact,  seemed  to  attach  very  little 
importance  to  them.  I  left  them  with  him. 

I  now  reminded  Mr.  Stanton  of  this  circumstance, 
and  he  asked  me  to  go  immediately  to  the  White  House 
and  see  if  I  could  find  the  letters.  I  thought  it  rather 
doubtful,  for  I  knew  the  President  received  a  great 
many  communications  of  a  similar  nature.  However, 
I  went  over,  and  made  a  thorough  search  through  his 
private  desk.  He  seemed  to  have  attached  more  im 
portance  to  these  papers  than  to  others  of  the  kind,  for 
I  found  them  inclosed  in  an  envelope  marked  in  his  own 
handwriting,  "  Assassination."  I  kept  the  letters  by 
me  for  some  time,  and  then  delivered  them  to  Judge 
John  A.  Bingham,  special  judge  advocate  in  the  con 
spiracy  trial.  Judge  Bingham  seemed  to  think  them  of 
importance,  and  asked  me  to  have  General  Dix  send  the 
finder  down  to  Washington.  I  wired  at  once  to  the 
general.  He  replied  that  it  was  a  woman  who  had  found 

273. 


Closing  Scenes  at  Washington. 

the  letters;  that  she  was  keeping  a  small  store  in  New 
York,  had  several  children,  was  a  widow,  and  had  no 
servant;  that  she  would  have  to  find  some  one  to  take 
care  of  her  house,  but  would  be  in  Washington  in  a  day 
or  two. 

A  few  days  later  she  came.  I  was  not  in  town  when 
Mrs.  Hudspeth,  as  her  name  proved  to  be,  arrived.  I 
had  gone  to  Chicago,  but  from  the  woman's  testimony 
on  May  I2th,  I  learned  that  in  November,  1864,  just 
after  the  presidential  election,  and  on  the  day,  she  said, 
on  which  General  Butler  left  New  York,  she  had  over 
heard  a  curious  conversation  between  two  men  in  a 
Third  Avenue  car  in  New  York  city.  She  had  observed, 
when  a  jolt  of  the  car  pushed  the  hat  of  one  of  the  men 
forward,  that  he  wore  false  whiskers.  She  had  noticed 
that  his  hand  was  very  beautiful;  that  he  carried  a  pistol 
in  his  belt;  that,  judging  from  his  conversation,  he  was 
a  young  man  of  education;  she  heard  him  say  that  he 
was  going  to  Washington  that  day.  The  young  men 
left  the  car  before  she  did,  and  after  they  had  gone  her 
daughter,  who  was  with  her,  had  picked  up  a  letter  from 
the  floor.  Mrs.  Hudspeth,  thinking  it  belonged  to  her, 
had  carried  it  from  the  car.  She  afterward  discovered 
the  two  letters  printed  above,  and  took  them  to  General 
Scott,  who,  upon  reading  them,  said  they  were  of  great 
importance,  and  sent  her  to  General  Dix.  When  a 
photograph  of  Booth  was  shown  to  Mrs.  Hudspeth, 
she  swore  that  it  was  the  man  in  disguise  whom  she 
had  seen  in  the  car.  It  was  found  that  Booth  was  in 
New  York  on  the  day  that  she  indicated — that  is,  the 
day  General  Butler  left  New  York,  November  nth — 

279 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

and  likewise  that  Booth  had  gone  from  there  to  Wash 
ington,  as  she  had  heard  this  man  say  he  was  going 
to  do.  The  inference  was  that  the  man  v/ho  had 
dropped  the  letter  was  Booth. 

I  was  afterward  called  to  the  stand,  on  June  Qth, 
to  testify  about  the  letters.  Judge  Bingham  used  these 
documents  as  a  link  in  his  chain  of  evidence  showing 
that  a  conspiracy  existed  "  to  kill  and  murder  Abra 
ham  Lincoln,  William  H.  Seward,  Andrew  Johnson, 
Ulysses  S.  Grant,  Edwin  M.  Stanton,  and  others  of  his 
advisers,"  and  that  Booth  was  a  partner  in  this  con 
spiracy. 

I  have  said  that  I  was  in  Chicago  when  Mrs.  Huds- 
peth  gave  her  testimony.  Just  after  I  reached  there  I 
received  from  Major  T.  F.  Eckert,  the  head  of  the  mili 
tary  telegraph,  a  message  saying  that  the  court  wanted 
me  immediately  as  a  witness  in  the  conspiracy  trial.  I 
returned  at  once,  and  on  the  i8th  of  May  appeared  in 
court.  I  was  wanted  that  I  might  testify  to  the  iden 
tity  of  a  key  to  a  secret  cipher  which  I  had  found  on 
the  6th  of  April  in  Richmond.  On  that  day  I  had  gone 
into  the  office  of  Mr.  Benjamin,  the  Confederate  Secre 
tary  of  State;  on  a  shelf,  among  Mr.  Benjamin's  books 
and  other  things,  I  had  found  a  secret  cipher  key.* 
I  saw  it  was  the  key  to  the  official  Confederate  cipher, 


*  The  secret  cipher  key  was  a  model  consisting  of  a  cylinder,  six 
inches  in  length  and  two  and  one  half  in  diameter,  fixed  in  a  frame, 
the  cylinder  having  the  printed  key  pasted  over  it.  By  shifting  the 
pointers  fixed  over  the  cylinder  on  the  upper  portion  of  the  frame, 
according  to  a  certain  arrangement  previously  agreed  upon,  the  cipher 
letter  or  dispatch  could  be  deciphered  readily.  The  model  was  put  in 
evidence  at  the  trial. 

280 


Closing  Scenes  at  Washington. 

and,  as  we  had  at  times  to  decipher  at  the  War  Depart 
ment  a  good  many  documents  written  in  that  cipher, 
it  seemed  to  me  of  interest,  and  I  brought  it  away,  with 
several  other  interesting  documents.  When  I  returned 
to  Washington  I  gave  it  to  Major  Eckert,  who  had 
charge  of  cipher  dispatches  in  the  War  Department. 

Now,  on  the  night  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  assassination, 
Lieutenant  W.  H.  Terry  had  been  sent  to  the  National 
Hotel  to  seize  the  trunk  of  J.  Wilkes  Booth.  Among 
other  things,  he  had  found  a  paper  containing  a  secret 
cipher.  When  this  was  given  to  Major  Eckert,  he 
immediately  saw  that  it  was  the  same  as  the  one  which 
I  had  found  in  Richmond.  It  was  thought  that  pos 
sibly  by  means  of  this  evidence  it  could  be  shown  that 
Booth  was  in  communication  with  the  Confederate 
Government.  I  was  called  back  to  identify  the  cipher 
key.  Major  Eckert  at  the  same  time  presented  dis 
patches  written  in  the  cipher  found  in  Booth's  trunk 
and  sent  from  Canada  to  the  Confederates.  They  had 
been  captured  and  taken  to  the  War  Department,  where 
copies  of  them  were  made.  By  the  key  which  I  had 
found  these  dispatches  could  be  read.  These  dispatches 
indicated  plots  against  the  leaders  of  our  Government, 
though  whether  Booth  had  sent  them  or  not  was,  of 
course,  never  known. 

Throughout  the  period  of  the  trial  I  was  constantly 
receiving  and  answering  messages  and  letters  relative 
to  the  examination  or  arrest  of  persons  suspected  of 
being  connected  with  the  affair.  In  most  cases  neither 
the  examinations  nor  arrests  led  to  anything.  The 
persons  had  been  acquaintances  of  the  known  conspira- 

281 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

tors,  or  they  had  been  heard  to  utter  disloyal  senti 
ments  and  had  been  reported  to  the  department  by  zeal 
ous  Unionists.  It  was  necessary,  however,  under  the 
circumstances,  to  follow  up  every  clew  given  us,  and, 
under  Mr.  Stanton's  directions,  I  gave  attention  to  all 
cases  reported. 

While  the  trial  was  going  on  in  Washington,  Jeffer 
son  Davis  was  captured,  on  May  loth,  near  Irwinsville, 
Ga.,  by  a  detachment  of  General  Wilson's  cavalry.  Mr. 
Davis  and  his  family,  with  Alexander  H.  Stephens, 
lately  Vice-President  of  the  Confederacy,  John  H. 
Reagan,  Postmaster  General,  Clement  C.  Clay,  and 
other  State  prisoners,  were  sent  to  Fortress  Monroe. 
The  propeller  Clyde,  with  the  party  on  board,  reached 
Hampton  Roads  on  May  iQth.  The  next  day,  May 
2Oth,  Mr.  Stanton  sent  for  me  to  come  to  his  office. 
He  told  me  where  Davis  was,  and  said  that  he  had  or 
dered  General  Nelson  A.  Miles  to  go  to  Hampton 
Roads  to  take  charge  of  the  prisoners,  transferring 
them  from  the  Clyde  to  the  fortress.  Mr.  Stanton  was 
much  concerned  lest  Davis  should  commit  suicide;  he 
said  that  he  himself  would  do  so  in  like  circumstances. 
"  I  want  you  to  go  to  Fortress  Monroe,"  he  said,  "  and 
caution  General  Miles  against  leaving  Davis  any  pos 
sible  method  of  suicide;  tell  him  to  put  him  in  fetters, 
if  necessary.  Davis  must  be  brought  to  trial;  he  must 
not  be  allowed  to  kill  himself."  Mr.  Stanton  also  told 
me  that  he  wanted  a  representative  of  the  War  Depart 
ment  down  there  to  see  what  the  military  was  doing, 
and  to  give  suggestions  and  make  criticisms  and  send 
him  full  reports. 

282 


'The  Closing  Scenes  at  Washington. 

The  status  of  Jefferson  Davis  at  the  time  explains 
Mr.  Stanton's  anxiety.  It  should  be  remembered  that 
Davis  had  not  surrendered  when  the  capital  of  the  Con 
federacy,  Richmond,  was  captured;  neither  had  he  sur 
rendered  with  either  of  the  two  principal  armies  under 
Lee  and  Johnston.  At  that  time  the  whole  Confederate 
army  west  of  the  Mississippi  was  still  at  large.  To 
allow  Davis  to  join  this  force  was  only  to  give  the  Con 
federacy  an  opportunity  to  reassemble  the  forces  still 
unsurrendered  and  make  another  stand  for  life.  Even 
more  important  than  this  consideration  was  the  fact 
that  Davis  was  charged,  in  President  Johnson's  proc 
lamation  of  May  2,  1865,  offering  a  reward  for  his  cap 
ture,  with  instigating  the  assassination  of  President 
Lincoln: 

Whereas,  It  appears,  from  evidence  in  the  Bureau  of 
Military  Justice,  that  the  atrocious  murder  of  the  late 
President,  Abraham  Lincoln,  and  the  attempted  assas 
sination  of  the  Hon.  W.  H.  Seward,  Secretary  of  State, 
were  incited,  concerted,  and  procured  by  and  between 
Jefferson  Davis,  late  of  Richmond,  Va.,  .  .  .  and  other 
rebels  and  traitors  against  the  Government  of  the 
United  States,  harbored  in  Canada; 

Now,  therefore,  to  the  end  that  justice  may  be  done, 
I,  Andrew  Johnson,  President  of  the  United  States,  do 
offer  and  promise  for  the  arrest  of  said  persons  or  either 
of  them,  within  the  limits  of  the  United  States,  so  that 
they  can  be  brought  to  trial,  the  following  rewards: 
One  hundred  thousand  dollars  for  the  arrest  of  Jefferson 
Davis  .  .  .  The  provost  marshal  general  of  the  United 
States  is  directed  to  cause  the  descriptions  of  said  per 
sons,  with  notice  of  the  above  rewards,  to  be  published. 

It  was  with  the  above  facts  in  mind  that  I  started 
for  Hampton  Roads  on  May  2Oth.  On  the  22d  the 

283 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

prisoners  were  transferred  from  the  Clyde  to  the  for 
tress.  The  quarter  selected  for  Davis's  prison  was  a 
casemate  such  as  at  that  time,  as  well  as  at  the  present, 
is  occupied  by  officers  and  their  families.  In  fact,  an 
officer  with  his  family  was  moved  out  of  the  particu 
lar  casemate  in  which  Davis  was  placed.  Any  one  who 
will  take  the  trouble  to  visit  Fortress  Monroe  can  see 
the  place  still,  and  it  certainly  has  not  to-day  a  gloomy 
or  forbidding  appearance.  The  whole  scene  of  the 
transfer  I  described  in  a  long  telegram  which  I  sent  to 
Mr.  Stanton  on  the  22d.  As  it  contains  my  fresh  im 
pressions,  and  has  never  before  been  published,  I  give 
it  here  in  full: 

From  FORTRESS  MONROE,  i  p.  M.,  May  22,  1863. 
Hon.  E.  M.  STANTON,  Secretary  of  War  : 

The  two  prisoners  have  just  been  placed  in  their  re 
spective  casemates.  The  sentries  are  stationed  both 
within  and  without  their  doors.  The  bars  and  locks  are 
fastened,  and  the  regular  routine  of  their  imprisonment 
has  begun.  At  precisely  one  o'clock  General  Miles  left 
with  a  tug  and  a  guard  from  the  garrison  to  go  for 
Davis  and  Clay.  At  half  past  one  the  tug  left  the  Clyde 
for  the  fortress.  She  landed  at  the  engineers'  wharf, 
and  the  procession,  led  by  the  cavalrymen  of  Colonel 
Pritchard's  command,  moved  through  the  water  bat 
tery  on  the  east  front  of  the  fortress  and  entered  by  a 
postern  leading  from  that  battery.  The  cavalrymen 
were  followed  by  General  Miles,  holding  Davis  by  the 
right  arm.  Next  came  half  a  dozen  soldiers,  and  then 
Colonel  Pritchard  with  Clay,  and  last  the  guard  which 
Miles  took  out  with  him.  The  arrangements  were  ex 
cellent  and  successful,  and  not  a  single  curious  spectator 
was  any  where  in  sight. 

Davis  bore  himself  with  a  haughty  attitude.  His 
face  was  somewhat  flushed,  but  his  features  were  com- 

284 


The  Closing  Scenes  at  Washington. 

posed  and  his  step  firm.  In  Clay's  manner  there  was 
less  expression  of  bravado  and  dramatic  determination. 
Both  were  dressed  in  gray,  with  drab  slouched  hats. 
Davis  wore  a  thin  dark  overcoat.  His  hair  and  beard 
are  not  so  gray  as  has  been  reported,  and  he  seems 
very  much  less  worn  and  broken  by  anxiety  and  labor 
than  Mr.  Blair  reported  when  he  returned  from  Rich 
mond  last  winter.  The  parties  were  not  informed  that 
they  were  not  to  be  removed  to  the  fortress  until  Gen 
eral  Miles  went  on  board  the  Clyde,  but  they  had  before 
learned  generally  what  was  their  destination. 

From  his  staff  officers  Davis  parted  yesterday,  shed 
ding  tears  at  the  separation.  The  same  scene  has  just 
been  renewed  at  his  parting  from  Harrison,  his  private 
secretary,  who  left  at  one  o'clock  for  Washington.  In 
leaving  his  wife  and  children  he  exhibited  no  great  emo 
tion,  though  she  was  violently  affected.  He  told  her 
she  would  be  allowed  to  see  him  in  the  course  of  the 
day.  Clay  took  leave  of  his  wife  in  private,  and  he  was 
not  seen  by  the  officers.  Both  asked  to  see  General 
Halleck,  but  he  will  not  see  them. 

The  arrangements  for  the  security  of  the  prisoners 
seem  to  me  as  complete  as  could  be  desired.  Each  one 
occupies  the  inner  room  of  a  casemate;  the  window  is 
heavily  barred.  A  sentry  stands  within,  before  each 
of  the  doors  leading  into  the  outer  room.  These  doors 
are  to  be  grated,  but  are  now  secured  by  bars  fastened 
on  the  outside.  Two  other  sentries  stand  outside  of 
these  doors.  An  officer  is  also  constantly  on  duty  in 
•  the  outer  room,  whose  duty  is  to  see  his  prisoners  every 
fifteen  minutes.  The  outer  door  of  all  is  locked  on  the 
outside,  and  the  key  is  kept  exclusively  by  the  general 
officer  of  the  guard.  Two  sentries  are  also  stationed 
without  that  door,  and  a  strong  line  of  sentries  cuts 
off  all  access  to  the  vicinity  of  the  casemates.  Another 
line  is  stationed  on  the  top  of  the  parapet  overhead,  and 
a  third  line  is  posted  across  the  moats  on  the  counter 
scarps  opposite  the  places  of  confinement.  The  case 
mates  on  each  side  and  between  these  occupied  by  the 

285 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

prisoners  are  used  as  guard  rooms,  and  soldiers  are  al 
ways  there.  A  lamp  is  constantly  kept  burning  in  each 
of  the  rooms.  The  furniture  of  each  prisoner  is  a  hos 
pital  bed,  with  iron  bedstead,  chair  and  table,  and  a 
movable  stool  closet.  A  Bible  is  allowed  to  each.  1 
have  not  given  orders  to  have  them  placed  in  irons,  as 
General  Halleck  seemed  opposed  to  it,  but  General 
Miles  is  instructed  to  have  fetters  ready  if  he  thinks 
them  necessary.  The  prisoners  are  to  be  supplied  with 
soldiers'  rations,  cooked  by  the  guard.  Their  linen  will 
be  issued  to  them  in  the  same  way.  I  shall  be  back  to 
morrow  morning.  C.  A.  DANA. 

Before  leaving  Fortress  Monroe,  on  May  22d,  I 
made  out  for  General  Miles  the  order  here  printed  in 
facsimile: 


A 


286 


Closing  Scenes  at  Washington. 

This  order  was  General  Miles's  authority  for  placing 
fetters  upon  Davis  a  day  or  two  later,  when  he  found 
it  necessary  to  change  the  inner  doors  of  the  casemate, 
which  were  light  wooden  ones,  without  locks.  While 
these  doors  were  being  changed  for  grated  ones,  an 
klets  were  placed  on  Davis;  they  did  not  prevent  his 
walking,  but  did  prevent  any  attempt  to  jump  past 
the  guard,  and  they  also  prevented  him  from  running. 
As  soon  as  the  doors  were  changed  (it  required  three 
days,  I  think),  the  anklets  were  removed.  I  believe 
that  every  care  was  taken  during  Mr.  Davis's  imprison 
ment  to  remove  cause  for  complaint.  Medical  officers 
•were  directed  to  superintend  his  meals  and  give  him 
everything  that  would  excite  his  appetite.  As  it  was 
complained  that  his  quarters  in  the  casemate  were  un 
healthy  and  disagreeable,  he  was,  after  a  few  weeks, 
transferred  to  Carroll  Hall,  a  building  still  occupied 
by  officers  and  soldiers.  That  Davis's  health  was  not 
ruined  by  his  imprisonment  at  Fortress  Monroe  is 
proved  by  the  fact  that  he  came  out  of  the  prison  in 
better  condition  than  when  he  went  in,  and  that  he 
lived  for  twenty  years  afterward,  and  died  of  old  age. 

I  hurried  back  to  Washington  from  Fortress  Mon 
roe  to  be  present  at  the  grand  review  of  the  Armies  of 
the  Potomac  and  Tennessee,  which  had  been  arranged 
for  May  23d  and  24th.  I  reached  the  city  early  in  the 
morning.  The  streets  were  all  alive  with  detachments 
of  soldiers  marching  toward  Capitol  Hill,  for  it  was 
there  that  the  parade  was  to  start.  Thousands  of  visi 
tors  were  also  in  the  streets. 

May  23d  was  given  up  to  the  review  of  the  Army  of 

287 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

the  Potomac,  and  by  nine  o'clock  General  Meade  and 
his  staff,  at  the  head  of  the  army,  started  from  the  Capi 
tol.  Soon  after,  I  joined  the  company  on  the  review 
ing  officers'  stand,  in  front  of  the  White  House,  in  just 
the  place  which  the  reviewing  stand  now  occupies  on 
inauguration  days.  President  Johnson  had  the  cen 
tral  position  on  the  platform.  Upon  his  right,  a  seat 
was  retained  for  the  commander  of  the  corps  under 
going  review.  As  soon  as  the  corps  commander  with 
his  staff  had  passed  the  grand  stand  at  the  head  of  his 
troops,  he  rode  into  the  grounds  of  the  White  House, 
dismounted,  and  came  to  take  his  position  at  the  right 
of  Mr.  Johnson,  while  his  troops  continued  their  march. 
When  all  his  men  had  passed,  he  gave  up  his  place 
to  the  commander  of  the  next  corps  in  the  column, 
and  so  on.  Next  to  the  corps  commanders  were  seated 
Secretary  Stanton  and  Lieutenant-General  Grant.  On 
the  left  of  the  President  was  Postmaster-General  Den- 
nison  and,  on  the  first  day  of  the  parade,  while  the  Army 
of  the  Potomac  passed,  Major-General  Meade;  and  on 
the  second  day,  while  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee 
passed,  Major-General  Sherman.  The  other  members 
of  the  Cabinet,  many  army  officers,  the  assistant  secre 
taries  in  the  different  departments,  and  a  number  of 
guests  invited  by  the  President  and  the  secretaries,  were 
grouped  around  these  central  personages. 

On  the  24th,  when  Sherman's  army  was  reviewed, 
I  sat  directly  behind  Mr.  Stanton  at  the  moment  when 
General  Sherman,  after  having  passed  the  grand  stand 
at  the  head  of  his  army,  dismounted  and  came  on  to 
the  stand  to  take  his  position  and  review  his  soldiers. 

288 


<The  Closing  Scenes  at  Washington. 

As  he  had  to  pass  immediately  in  front  of  Secretary 
Stanton  in  order  to  reach  the  place  assigned  to  him 
on  the  President's  right,  I  could  see  him  perfectly.  I 
watched  both  men  closely,  for  the  difficulty  between 
Stanton  and  Sherman  was  at  that  moment  known  to 
everybody. 

The  terms  upon  which  Sherman  in  April  had  ac 
cepted  the  surrender  of  General  Joseph  E.  Johnston's 
army  in  North  Carolina  went  beyond  the  authority  of  a 
military  commander,  and  touched  upon  political  issues. 
It  is  true  that  these  terms  were  made  conditional  upon 
the  approval  of  the  Government;  nevertheless,  Mr, 
Stanton  was  deeply  indignant  at  the  general  for  med 
dling  with  matters  beyond  his  jurisdiction.  No  doubt 
his  indignation  was  intensified  by  his  dislike  of  Sher 
man.  The  two  men  were  antagonistic  by  nature.  Sher 
man  was  an  effervescent,  mercurial,  expansive  man, 
springing  abruptly  to  an  idea,  expressing  himself  en 
thusiastically  on  every  subject,  and  often  without  re 
flection.  Stanton  could  not  accommodate  himself  to 
this  temperament. 

When  the  memorandum  of  the  agreement  between 
Johnston  and  Sherman  reached  Stanton,  he  sent  Grant 
to  the  general  in  hot  haste,  and  then  published  in  the 
newspapers,  which  need  not  have  known  anything  of 
the  affair,  a  full  account  of  the  unwise  compact,  and  an 
indignant  repudiation  of  it  by  the  Government.  Natu 
rally  this  brought  down  a  furious  attack  upon  Sherman. 
All  his  past  services  were  forgotten  for  a  time,  and  he 
was  even  called  a  "  traitor."  The  public  quickly  saw 
the  injustice  of  this  attitude;  so  did  most  of  the  men 
20  289 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 

in  the  Government,  and  they  hastened  to  appease  Sher 
man,  who  was  violently  incensed  over  what  he  called 
Stanton's  insult.  I  think  he  never  forgave  the  Secre 
tary.  When,  on  May  iQth,  he  reached  Washington 
with  his  army,  which  he  had  marched  northward  across 
the  battlefields  of  Virginia,  he  refused  to  have  anything 
to  do  with  Stanton,  although  Grant  tried  his  best  to 
bring  about  a  reconciliation  and  the  President  and 
several  members  of  the  Cabinet  showed  him  every  at 
tention. 

I  was,  of  course,  curious  to  see  what  General  Sher 
man  would  do  in  passing  before  Mr.  Stanton  to  take 
his  place  on  the  stand.  The  general  says  in  his  Memoirs 
that,  as  he  passed,  Stanton  offered  his  hand  and  he  re 
fused  to  take  it.  He  is  entirely  mistaken.  I  was  watch 
ing  narrowly.  The  Secretary  made  no  motion  to  offer 
his  hand,  or  to  exchange  salutations  in  any  manner. 
As  the  general  passed,  Mr.  Stanton  gave  him  merely 
a  slight  forward  motion  of  his  head,  equivalent,  perhaps, 
to  a  quarter  of  a  bow. 

In  May  I  had  been  asked  to  become  the  editor  of 
a  new  paper  to  be  founded  in  Chicago,  the  Republican. 
The  active  promoter  was  a  Mr.  Mack,  and  the  concern 
was  organized  with  a  nominal  capital  of  five  hundred 
thousand  dollars.  Only  a  small  part  of  this  was  ever 
paid  up;  a  large  block  of  the  stock  was  set  aside  as  a 
bonus  to  induce  a  proper  man  to  become  the  editor. 
Mr.  Mack  had  offered  the  post  to  me,  and,  through  the 
influence  of  the  Hon.  Lyman  Trumbull  and  other  prom 
inent  men  of  Illinois,  I  was  persuaded  to  accept  it.  In 
deciding  on  the  change,  I  had  arranged  to  stay  in 

290 


The  Closing  Scenes  at  Washington. 

Washington  until  I  could  finish  the  routine  business 
upon  which  I  was  then  engaged,  and  until  Mr.  Stanton 
could  conveniently  spare  me.  This  was  not  until  the 
ist  of  July.  On  the  first  day  of  the  month  I  sent  to 
the  President  my  resignation  as  Assistant  Secretary  of 
War,  and  a  few  days  later  I  left  the  capital  for  Chicago. 


291 


INDEX. 


Army  of  the  Cumberland  reorgan 
ized,  126. 

Augur,  General,  and  the  spy,  183  ; 
in  command  at  Washington, 
244. 

Baltimore  merchants  arrested, 
236. 

Banks,  General,  besieges  Port 
Hudson,  80. 

Bates,  Edward,  impressions  of, 
171. 

Beauregard,  General,  222. 

Blair,  Montgomery,  character,  170, 
231. 

Booth,  J.  Wilkes,  281. 

Bragg,  General,  driven  across  the 
Tennessee,  104 ;  maneuvers  to 
reach  Chattanooga,  107-111  ; 
evacuates  Lookout  Mountain, 
148  ;  retreats,  151. 

Burnside,  General,  shut  up  in 
Knoxville,  135  ;  character,  138  ; 
forces,  138  ;  repulses  Long- 
street,  154 ;  relieved  by  Sher 
man,  154 ;  transferred  to  com 
mand  of  Ninth  Army  Corps, 
191. 

Cairo,  the  claims  commission,  12. 

Campbell,  Judge,  negotiations 
with  President  Lincoln,  266,  270. 

Canada,  proposed  Confederate  ex 
pedition  from,  243. 


Cedar  Creek,  248. 

Champion  Hill,  53. 

Chase,  Salmon  P.,  impressions  of, 
169. 

Chattanooga,  defense  of,  120 ;  bat 
tle,  143. 

Chickamauga,  in. 

Cipher  dispatches,  22;  Confeder 
ate,  280. 

Cold  Harbor,  208. 

Conkling,  Roscoe,  17,  177,  263. 

Cotton  speculation,  17. 

Crittenden,  General,  censured  for 
conduct  at  Chickamauga,  122; 
relieved,  126. 

Dana,  Charles  A.,  resigns  from 
the  Tribune,  i  ;  first  meeting 
with  Lincoln,  2 ;  early  corre 
spondence  with  Stanton,  4-11 ; 
commissioner  of  War  Depart 
ment,  21 ;  at  the  front  with 
Grant,  30  et  seq.  ;  gets  a  horse, 
45  ;  assistant  adjutant  general, 
82  ;  Assistant  Secretary  of  War, 
103  ;  with  the  Army  of  the  Cum 
berland,  105  et  seq.  ;  at  Chat 
tanooga,  132 ;  interview  with 
Burnside  at  Knoxville,  138  ;  on 
duty  at  Washington,  156  et  seq.  ; 
relations  with  Stanton,  159 ; 
with  the  Army  of  the  Potomac, 
189  et  seq.  ;  with  Sheridan  in  the 
valley,  248  et  seq.  ;  at  Richmond, 


293 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 


263  ;  last  interview  with  Lincoln, 
274  ;  becomes  editor  of  the  Chi 
cago  Republican,  290. 

Davis,  Jefferson,  capture,  282 ; 
imprisonment,  284. 

Drouillard,  Captain,  116. 

Early,  General,  menaces  the  capi 
tal,  228  ;  withdraws,  232. 
Everett,  Edward,  182. 

Five  Forks,  263. 

Foster,  General  J.  G.,  supersedes 

Burnside,  191. 
Fremont,  General,  5,  6. 

Garfield,  General,  118. 

Grand  Gulf,  attack  on,  42. 

Granger,  General  Gordon,  in  com 
mand  at  Nashville,  105  ;  at 
Chickamauga,  119;  at  Mission 
ary  Ridge,  149 ;  fails  to  relieve 
Burnside,  152. 

Grant,  General,  impressions  of, 
15,  61  ;  conduct  at  Shiloh  criti 
cised,  15  ;  plan  for  Vicksburg 
campaign,  30  ;  self-control,  43  ; 
invests  Vicksburg,  56 ;  asks  re- 
enforcements,  80  ;  enters  Vicks 
burg,  99 ;  rapid  mobilization  of 
his  army,  101  ;  at  Chattanooga, 
133  ;  at  Missionary  Ridge,  148  ; 
made  general  in  chief  of  the 
United  States  army,  186  ;  crosses 
the  Rapidan,  187  ;  maneuvers 
against  Lee,  200-207  ;  at  Cold 
Harbor,  208  ;  charges  of  butch 
ery,  209 ;  in  camp  at  Cold  Harbor, 
213  ;  marches  on  Petersburg,  217 
et  seq.  ;  prepares  for  siege,  224. 

Halleck,  General,  obstructs  Grant's 
plans,  156  ;  Grant's  chief  of 
staff,  186  ;  character,  187. 


Hancock,  General,  his  energy, 
190  ;  at  Spottsylvania,  195  ;  ad 
vancing  to  Richmond,  201  ;  at 
Cold  Harbor,  208. 

Herron,  General,  70,  87. 

Hooker,  General,  ordered  to  Look 
out  Valley,  134 ;  at  Lookout 
Mountain,  147. 

Hovey,  General,  63,  217. 

Hudspeth,  Mrs.,  gives  evidence  in 
conspiracy  trial,  279. 

Humphreys,  General,  192. 

Hunter,  General,  defeats  Jones, 
229  ;  Grant's  defense  of,  233. 

Jackson,  entered  by  United  States 
army,  52. 

Johnson,  Andrew,  105  ;  urges  pun 
ishment  of  rebels,  269. 

Johnston,  General  J.  E.,  threatens 
Grant  during  siege  of  Vicks 
burg,  83,  84,  289. 

Lee,  General  R.  E.,  defeated  in 
the  Wilderness,  193  ;  maneuvers 
against  Grant,  201-207  ;  Grant's 
estimate  of,  215  ;  outwitted  by 
Grant,  222  ;  driven  from  Peters 
burg,  263  ;  surrender,  271. 

Lincoln,  President,  impressions 
of,  171-185  ;  relations  with  his 
cabinet,  171  ;  as  a  politician, 
174-181 ;  his  mercifulness,  183  ; 
visits  the  lines  before  Peters 
burg,  224  ;  re-election,  260  ; 
seeming  flippancy,  261  ;  in  Rich 
mond  after  surrender,  266; 
propositions  to  Confederates, 
267  ;  assassinated,  274. 

Logan,  General,  53,  67. 

Longstreet,  General,  119,  139. 

Lookout  Mountain,  147. 


McClellan,  dissatisfaction  with,  8  ; 
absurd  claims  for,  9. 


294 


Index. 


McClernand,  General,  commands 
movement  en  Grand  Gulf,  32; 
his  annoying  delays  and  ineffi 
ciency,  59,  89  ;  removal,  90. 

McCook,  General,  censured  for 
conduct  at  Chickamauga,  122; 
relieved,  126. 

McPherson,  'General,  in  move 
ment  on  Grand  Gulf,  41  ;  at 
Raymond,  51  ;  ability,  58 ; 
springs  the  mines  before  Vicks- 
burg,  91. 

Meade,  General,  commands  army 
of  the  Potomac,  189  ;  character 
and  ability,  189  ;  before  Peters 
burg,  221  ;  difficulties  with  sub 
ordinates,  226. 

Milliken's  Bend,  86. 

Mississippi,  reopening  of,  30. 

Missionary  Ridge,  148. 

"Morse,"  case  of,  235. 

Negro  troops,  their  bravery,  86, 
220. 

Nevada,  why  admitted,  174,  175. 

Newspaper  correspondents,  trou 
ble  with,  215. 

New  York  and  Chicago,  plans  for 
burning,  241. 

Ord,  General,  supersedes  McCler 
nand,  90. 

Parsons,  Colonel,  253. 

Pemberton,  General,  defeated  at 
Champion's  Hill,  53 ;  retreat 
and  losses,  55  ;  asks  for  terms, 
95  ;  humiliation,  96 ;  surren 
ders  Vicksburg,  99. 

Porter,  Admiral,  runs  the  Vicks 
burg  batteries,  36 ;  character, 

85- 

Porter,  General,  halts  fugitives  at 
Chickamauga,  116. 


Port  Gibson,  44. 

Presidential  campaign  of  1864, 
260. 

Railroads  seized  by  the  Govern 
ment,  disposition  of,  255. 

Rawlins,  Colonel  J.  A.,  and  the 
Confederate  Mason,  54 ;  charac 
ter,  62,  72. 

Raymond,  engagement  at,  51. 

Richmond  surrendered,  263  ;  evac 
uated,  264. 

Rosecrans,  General,  his  delays, 
104  ;  occupies  Chattanooga,  107  ; 
concentrates  his  army,  no;  at 
Chickamauga,  in  ;  prepares  to 
defend  Chattanooga,  120 ;  inde 
cision  and  incapacity,  123,  127  ; 
transferred  to  Department  of 
the  Missouri,  131. 

Schofield,  General,  troops  trans 
ferred,  252. 

Secret  service,  235  et  seq. 

Sedgwick,  General  John,  190. 

"Selby"  and  "Leenea"  letters, 
276,  277. 

Seward,  Wm.  H.,  impressions  of, 
168. 

Shepley,  General,  military  gov 
ernor  of  Richmond,  267,  270. 

Sheridan,  General,  at  Chickamau 
ga,  116;  at  Chattanooga,  145; 
at  Missionary  Ridge,  150 ;  ma 
jor-general,  248 ;  affection  of 
the  army,  249 ;  wins  at  Five 
Forks,  263. 

Sherman,  General,  impressions 
of,  29;  commands  a  corps  in 
Grant's  army,  31  ;  destroys  pub 
lic  property  in  Jackson,  53  ;  be 
fore  Vicksburg,  57 ;  in  pursuit 
of  Johnston,  84  ;  ordered  to  join 
the  forces  at  Chattanooga,  136  ; 


295 


Recollections  of  the  Civil  War. 


bridges  the  Tennessee,  146 ;  at 
Missionary  Ridge,  148  ;  relieves 
Burnside  at  Knoxville,  154; 
letter  on  the  relief  passes,  165  ; 
difficulties  with  Stanton,  289. 

Smith,  General  A.  J.,  64,  95,  97. 

Smith,  General  "Baldy,"2o6,  207, 
208,  219. 

Spottsylvania,  195. 

Stanton,  E.  M.,  early  correspond 
ence  with  Dana,  4-11  ;  forbids 
army  speculations  in  cotton,  20; 
gives  complete  authority  to 
Grant,  52 ;  appearance  and 
character,  157 ;  relations  with 
his  subordinates,  159 ;  friction 
with  Blair,  170  ;  arrests  the  Bal 
timore  merchants,  236. 

Strouse,  Congressman,  case  of, 
159- 

Table  of  Union  losses,  210. 

Thomas,  General,  heads  off  the 
Confederates  from  Chattanooga, 
in  ;  holds  the  field  at  Chicka- 
mauga,  118  ;  his  high  qualities 
and  Stanton's  esteem,  124 ;  su 
persedes  Rosecrans,  131 ;  charge 


of    his    troops    at     Missionary 

Ridge,  150. 

Thompson,  Jacob,  239,  273. 
"Turkey  movement,"  252. 

Vicksburg,  campaign  plans,  25, 
30 ;  batteries  run,  36 ;  attack 
on,  56;  siege,  57,  78-99;  sur 
render,  99. 

Virginia  Legislature,  negotiations 
with  President  Lincoln,  267. 

Wallace,  General  Lew,  229,  231. 

War  Department,  immense  busi 
ness,  161. 

Warren,  General,  190,  202,  206, 
209. 

Washburn,  General,  71. 

Washington,  panic  at,  229. 

Watson,  P.  H.,  and  the  forage 
fraud,  162. 

Weitzel,  General,  in  command  at 
Richmond,  264,  266,  270. 

Welles,  Gideon,  impressions  of, 
170. 

Wilmot,  David,  163. 

Wilson,  General  J.  H.,  137,  227. 

Wright,  General,  191,  207,  208. 


THE   END. 


296 


RETURN  TO  the  circulation  desk  ot  any 
University  ot  California  Library 

or  to  the 

NORTHERN  REGIONAL  LIBRARY  FACILITY 
Bldg.  400,  Richmond  Field  Station 
University  ot  California 
Richmond,  CA  94804-4698 

ALL  BOOKS  MAY  BE  RECALLED  AFTER  7  DAYS 

•  2-month  loans  may  be  renewed  by  calling 
(510)642-6753 

•  1-year  loans  may  be  recharged  by  bringing 
books  to  NRLF 

•  Renewals  and  recharges  may  be  made  4 
days  prior  to  due  date, 

DUE  AS  STAMPED  BELOW 


t  9  1998 


DEC  1  *  W 


JUL  0  C  2003 


12,000(11/95) 


U.C.  BERKELEY  LIBRARIES 


<ZD3fll7£bfl7 


